Part Two: Formal and Real Domination of Capital in Spanish Working-Class History: From Clandestine Corporatism to the Moncloa Pacts, 1939-1977



This essay is, first of all, an analysis of the Spanish working class in two phases of its development, those of the periods 1898-1939 and 1939-1977, ending with the "normalization" of labor relations in Spain in the October 1977

"Moncloa Pacts", Spain's variant on late-1970's social contracts for economic austerity. While, for purposes of focus, we will investigate the latter period in greatest detail, we will precede this analysis with a survey of 20th-century Spanish working-class history, within the larger context of Spanish history, in order to bring out the general significance of the later period. We will conclude with a short postface on the 1977-1982 period leading up to the e1ectoral triumph of the PSOE in October 1982.

When I set out (in 1983) to write this, it occurred to me how differently I would have written it ten years earlier. It is true that the process it describes-the integration of the Spanish working class into a new set of labor relations within the framework of Spanish capitalism and a fragile bourgeois democracy-was hardly complete or foreseeable in 1973. But that is, in fact, a secondary matter. What happened in Spain in the subsequent decade is part of an international process, in which the local question of the disappearance of the dictatorship appears in retrospect to be subordinate to a set of general phenomena: the decline and crisis of the Western European Communist Parties and the rise of the new Social Democracies of Spain, France and Greece; the virtual disappearance of the wave of working-class militancy which gave the 1968-1973 period the feel of a vaguely pre-revolutionary situation; the deep passivity and despair of the international working class in the face of a decade of world economic crisis, now threatening to turn into a full-blown depression; the virtual collapse of the Soviet Union as a model for emulation, for anyone, in the construction of socialism; the entry of China into the U.S. military orbit; the complete disappearance of the Western European and North American "New Left" or "extreme left" nipping at the heels of the hegemonic Social Democratic and Communist parties of various countries; the rise to world economic significance of different blocs of Third World countries. The idea, a decade ago, that the Spanish Communist Party, which at the beginning of 1973 was, despite factional bruisings from Maoist, Trotskyist and other extreme-left opponents in the conditions of clandestinity, still the political organization of the Spanish working class, comparable to the PCF in France with the additional advantage of having no Social Democratic rival to speak of, would receive only 3.5% of the vote in a democratic election would have seemed little less than astounding. Even more astounding would have been the idea that the Spanish Socialist Party, the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), which in 1973 was a tiny group of cadres in training at the SPD's Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Frankfurt, would have received 45% of the vote in the same election. In the first (1977) legislative elections in Spain, the small parties of the extreme left (whose counterparts two years earlier had made serious inroads into the Portuguese Communist Party's base in the final months of the Portuguese crisis) looked likely to receive 3.5% of the vote; today, they have all but disappeared, and the PCE increasingly looks like an isolated sect relative to the PSOE. Remarkable as all this is, it occurred within a single decade.

In 1973, before the Mideast War and the OPEC boycott ushered in the world economic crisis that had been the little-noticed groundswell in the background of the 1968-1973 social crises of the OECD countries, a number of political issues seemed of decisive importance which, today, seem almost irrelevant. Ten years ago, writing about the position of the PCE in any potential bourgeois democracy it would have seemed of decisive importance to underline the role of the party in the May 1937 crushing of the Spanish revolution. Before the world economic crisis had dented the consciousness of the militants of the "New Left" (of whose number this writer confesses to have been) it seemed of the greatest importance to uncover the "crime" upon which the hegemony of the dominant Social Democratic or Stalinist political party in a specific country was founded, whether it was the German SPD's role in the crushing of the Spartakusbund in 1918-1919 or the French Communist Party's role in enforcing the Yalta agreement in 1944-1947. Insofar as most individuals formed by the 1968-1973 period were oblivious (and they were hardly alone in this) to the incipient world economic crisis, it seemed highly relevant to denounce the general trend the general trend toward technocracy (as in France), "consumer terror" (in Germany and other countries influenced by the Frankfurt School) and other evils which, whatever their reality then or now, have a vaguely antediluvian ring. With the war in Southeast Asia still undecided, it seemed of paramount importance to show the reluctance of the major Stalinist powers, the Soviet Union and China, to fully support Vietnam.

All this, once again, has a vaguely surreal hue after a decade that saw the Chinese hail the Pinochet coup in Chile, send arms to the U.S.-backed forces in Angola, entertain a series of right-wing European politicians in Peking for talks on China-NATO and China-EEC relations, and after U.S. Defense Secretary Schlesinger reviewed the troops on China's Soviet border. To return more directly to Spain, the transformation of strategy in the Social Democratic and Communist camps after the failure of the "Chilean road to socialism", which issued two years later in the Madrid-Rome-Paris "Euro-communist axis" (however short lived) was yet another event opaque to nearly all observers in 1973.

Along with these directly social, economic and political realities, one might recall the less precise but equally pervasive cultural mood of Western Europe in 1973, where the impact of the events of 1968-1969 and the international counter-culture of the later 1960's were still sorting themselves out. In the same way that it seemed of decisive importance to unearth, in every country, the treachery of the dominant "working-class" political parties, it also seemed crucial, for the critique both of the vestiges of "social realist" criteria in art and for the critique of mass culture, to resurrect the various avant-gardes of the post-1918 period, particularly with the relevant revolutionary movement, and bookstores in every country filled up with books on expressionism, Dada, Italian futurism, surrealism, Russian constructivism , the Bauhaus and their political expressions.

All this was, in retrospect, the false consciousness of an era about to end. I say this with neither any particular rancor or self-justification, having never been a protagonist of Social Democracy, Stalinism , the Chilean road to socialism, the Viet Cong, Pol Pot, and still less of the counter-culture. It is not the fact that my views have been qualified by the events of the past decade; it is the much more disconcerting fact that most of what I assumed to be the answers in 1973 had become questions by 1983. Even after the outbreak of the economic crisis in 1973-1974, an event which like its predecessor in 1929-1933 posed no "paradigm crisis" to someone within the Marxian tradition (however much it discredited various late 1960's variants of Marxism) an additional four years of upsurge and economic stasis sustained the extreme left which had come into existence through the experience of 1968-1969. Much was written in Spain, and in foreign commentaries on what was happening in Spain, in the 1975-1977 period that essentially postulated the impossibility of establishing a bourgeois democracy there; either there would be proletarian revolution and civil war or a new military dictatorship. This literature today has a purely archival interest. The "crises of the dictatorships3 in Greece, Spain and Portugal seemed to many (including myself) to be the beginning of a new period of international working-class upsurge; in fact, they were the special local extensions of the ferment that had ended in most countries in 1973, with special local tasks of liquidation to accomplish.

In retrospect, it seems that 1977 was, for virtually every Western European country, more decisive in a political and social sense than 1973. It was the year in which the post-1968 extreme- left died. It was the year of the massive crackdown on the Baader-Meinhof group in Germany, wherein the non-terrorist radical left was tarred with the epithet of "sympathizers" by the state and media, and was incapable of any effective response. It was the year of the collapse of the the five-year flirtation of the French Communist and Socialist Parties in the Union de la Gauche, preface to the electoral debacle of 1978 and postponing by three years the already dubious "triumph of 1968" at the polls. It was the year of the March 1977 actions of the autonomi at the University of Rome and the mass meeting of the extreme left in defiance of the PCI in Bologna; a year later, these currents were largely dispersed in the process of "germanizazzione" after the Moro kidnapping. In Spain, finally, the 10,000 militants who met in a Barcelona stadium to discuss possible further strategy were in reality attending a wake for the era of underground struggle which had just ended. What had seemed a remarkable, if totally ephemeral, event in postwar European history, the alliance with the extreme-left which events had imposed on the Portuguese Communist Party in August 1975, lasted only a few days, and was of no significance. It may well be the case that the complex of ideas associated with these movements will re-emerge in coming years, but it seems highly unlikely, not to say impossible, that they will re-emerge as the left contenders of the official Social Democratic and Communist parties that controlled the working classes of France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Germany and Britain (to say nothing of Chile) in 1973. The reason for this is simple: that official left has also collapsed, or been drastically transformed.

What occurred in the decade after 1973, in every part of the world, was a vast deflation of the appeal and power of the bureaucratic, largely pro-Soviet working-class political parties that issued from the Third International, and their replacement by diffuse "Social Democratic Parties of a new type", barely distinguishable in their real policies from the Democratic Party in the U.S.

In close counterpoint to this discrediting of the bureaucratic-statist model of "socialism", however, what seemed the evident alternative in the 1968-1973 period, namely "workers' control of production", or "self-management", was almost as completely forgotten. We do not refer here, obviously, to the various corporatist schemes of "autogestion", "Mitbestimmung" and so forth picked up or developed after 1968-1969 by the political parties and trade unions in response to the growing demand for rank-and-file democracy, the actual revolutionary tradition of soviets and councils associated with the Russian, German and Spanish revolutions in 1917-1921 and 1936-1937. The mass of books and pamphlets produced on these subjects, each successively claiming to find the "bureaucratic kernel" in the previous formulation and to rescue the real revolutionaries of the case in question from historical oblivion, is another body of "literature" which today seems somehow quaint. Against Social Democratic and Stalinist bureaucracy, counterposed democracy. The most lucid elements did realize at the time that this battle over forms gave the entire discussion a heavy dose of formalism, and the "workers' control" ideology of 1968-1973 has more than once been characterized as a syndicalist utopia. This is yet another, and perhaps the most significant, aspect of the 1968-1973 "discussion" which the onset of the economic crisis and de-industrialization in the U.S. Britain and France seemed to have closed for the duration.

The preceding serves as a preface to a study of Spanish working-class history because, as stated at the outset, a decade of events seriously called into question virtually every category which I would have used in such an analysis in 1973. Spain is a prima facie case of the demise of a large, hegemonic pro-Soviet party before the onslaught of a slick new "Social Democracy" that 10 years ago had virtually no militants in Spain, in contrast to the PCE's well-organized and seasoned thousands of members. In the closing days of 1975, immediately after Franco's death, the cadre of the still-illegal PSOE were allowed by the government to travel about Spain in order to establish some kind of working-class and trade union presence in competition with the PCE and its trade-union wing, the Comisiones Obreras (CC.OO). In major factories in Barcelona, the PCE had to contend primarily with extreme-left militants who wanted, or who seemed to want, to go well beyond the "democratic convergence" of the PCE's strategy. These militants were, inside and outside the extreme-left groups, in rupture with the organizational proclivities of the PCE and CC.OO, representing currents which today have almost invariably disappeared. At the time that the PSOE assumed control of the government in December 1982, there was an official rate of 16% in Spain, and documented cases of starvation in Andalucia. The peseta, which in 1979 still stood at 58 to the dollar, was at 115, and a devaluation lowered this rate to 130. This is only the Spanish case of the general collapse of the left and extreme left of 1973 years ago in the face of conditions which then would have seemed to many like some fantasy of "vulgar Marxism". If these is today a "crisis of Marxism", it cannot be in the "analytic-scientific" side of Marx's prognosis of capitalist breakdown crisis, wherein current developments appear as a page out of vol. III of Capital. It must be, in contrast even to the politically-ignominious thirties, a crisis of the working-class movement itself, and of the working class's sense, still relatively strong in the 1930's, that it is the class of the future. The twin hydra-heads of Social Democracy and Stalinism have for 60 years transformed the "socialist alternative" to capitalism into statist-bureaucratic austerity regimes and regimes of generalized repression and sloth. And while there were currents which, like the Trotskyists, the German council communists and the Bordigists, (with differing degrees of lucidity) denounced and detailed the steps in this process 75 years ago, the sad truth of the matter is that even those currents which emerged largely or totally confirmed in their prognoses for Social Democracy and Stalinism have fallen victim to the formalist fashion alluded to above, to the atrophy of the "programmatic imagination" of the working-class movement. In a period of general revulsion against the bureaucratic state, the century-long association of "socialism" and the state has cut the ground from beneath even those who disassociated themselves from such an aberration at the earliest possible moment , just before or after World War I. It was to answer some of the questions as to how this came about, and to seek to overcome these problems, that I began to study the history of the Spanish working-class movement, which because of its anarchist past seemed closer to an unequivocally anti-statist tradition, however utopian, and that in the pejorative sense of the word as well. What follows are the tentative results.

II. The Suppressed Past: Proto-Renaissance Bourgeois Culture and the Extension of the Millenarian Dimension of Spanish Working-Class History

Spanish capitalism for most of its history has been a poor relative of world capitalism, a country which, in Marx's phrase, suffered more from the absence of capitalism than from its presence. It is nonetheless indisputable that the country played a central role in the early stages of capitalist development: Barcelona, in the 13th and 14th centuries, was a commercia1 rival of the great Italian city-states; the monarchy which unified the country in the 15th century played a central role in European political developments for more than a hundred years, and was of course deeply involved in the mercantalist appropriation of the New WorId. But after the apogee of Spanish development in the 16th century, and the irreversible decay that gripped the country in the early 17th century, Spain was gradually relegated to a secondary position in the development of the world capitalist system. The great expansion of the 16th century, the massive importations of gold-the cornerstones of early European mercantilism-had little impact in developing an actual productive base for a real capitalist expansion, as occurred in northern Europe. In the 17th century, when England and France were using statist methods to implement an entire infrastructure and capitalist agriculture, to reduce the power of the nobility and promote an increase of trade, Spain languished under the weight of an enormous, non-productive rentier population, whose material situation was provided by an overtaxed peasantry wing a severely backward agriculture. Although modest measures were taken by the monarchy in the 18th century to adapt the country to the methods of Enlightened despotism, and small commercial and proto-industrial centers developed in the Basque region and in Cataluna, the country was poorly prepared for the revolutionary era which opened in 1789 or the British-dominated North Atlantic world which emerged from the Napoleonic Wars.

It was the Napoleonic invasion of the country, and the 1808 uprising against it, which introduced Spain to the political and social history of modern capitalist development, but created as many problems as it solved in reinforcing the hold of the Church over the peasant masses, and, after 1815, leaving completely unresolved the question of the capitalization of Church lands which in every country in one form or another, was a sine qua non of the integral transition to an economy based on commodity relations. The country simply lacked the elementary institutions for organizing a serious entry into capitalism: the small banking system was essentially used to finance the state debt, and absolutely nothing guaranteed that the country's small savings would be funneled into industrial development. The liberal revolutions from 1820 to 1856, culminating in the later, protracted crisis of 1868-1873, resolved nothing, particularly after the 1840's when the entry of the urban masses into politics and the beginnings of working-class agitation frightened the timid liberals into conciliation with the forces of conservatism: the Church, the state, the army and the landed nobility, finally producing the Canovite system of caciquismo which ruled from 1874 to 1898. The long deflation of 1873-1896-the real economic backdrop to the political realignments in every country in the final quarter of the 19th century-forced Spain to protect its fledgling industry behind high tariff walls, and neither significant amounts of foreign capital nor the small domestic accumulation accomplished any serious industrial development, aside from the mining activities in Asturias, the small industrial nucleus built around the Hornos de Viscaya in the Basque country, and the textile-centered taller capitalism of Catalunya.

The marginality of the real development of capitalism, even in the period when Spain was the most powerful nation in Europe, marked the emergence of bourgeois culture and bourgeois society in Spain with extremely peculiar characteristics, characteristics which in turn gave a special stamp to the emerging Spanish working-class movement. It was significant that as late as 1910, when mass socialist working-class parties had appeared in most of Europe, the radical republican Lerroux could still be the dominant figure in Barcelona working-class politics, and at the same time in Andalucia, rural agrarian labor embraced anarchism.

It is perhaps a commonplace that the character of the bourgeois revolution in every major European country defined the parameters for the emergence of the working-class movement in each country's working class in the last century. If one traces the eastward line of development of both capitalism and of the political expression of the social forces it engendered, beginning with the English Revolution of the 17th century, through the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars of the 1789-1815 period, the European-wide "springtime of peoples" in 1848-1849 to the Central and Eastern European mass strikes and revolutions of 1905-1921, a fairly clear pattern of development emerges. The later the entry into full-blown capitalist development, the weaker the national bourgeoisie tends to be relative to the world market and its own ancien regime, and the more aggressive and receptive to socialist ideas the working class. Is it not possible to trace a fairly clear line of continuity from the political culture set down in the English Revolutions of 1640-1649 and 1688 to the moderation and "interest group" mentality of the British trade unions after the defeat of Chartism? From the Jacobinism of the French Revolution to the statist obsession of the French socialist movement under Guesde and, after 1920, of the Communist Party? From the enlightened despotism of 18th century Prussia to the mercantilism of the largely Lassallean German Social Democracy?

How does this logic of bourgeois revolution/working-class movement apply to Spain? The unusual response to this question is that the "birthmarks" of Spain's political culture, to which important aspects of 19th and 20th century social history must be traced, are located not in the 17th, 18th or 19th century movements of emancipatory capitalist optimism, but in the late medieval period and in the particularly deadly role of the 16th century Habsburg state in snuffing out what was in fact the high moment of Spanish cultural history: the brilliant intermeshing of the classical Islamic culture of Al-Andalus, of Spanish Jewry and, to a lesser extent, their Christian emulators in the latter centuries of the so-called "Reconquest", a cultural flowering that was the direct prelude to the better known 16th century Siglo de Oro. When confronted by a modern European country in which five languages, one which is non-Indo-European (Basque) and one, caló, spoken by some gypies, is most closely related to Sankskrit, one begins to see that the bureaucratic creation of the Spanish nation state in the 15th and particularly the 16th centuries was juxtaposed onto a culture or cultures of great diversity, and, when one consider, the significnce of the works such as Ibn Arabi, Averroes, Avicebron, Maimonides, Isaac Luria, Abulafia and Raymond Lull for late medieval and Renaissance culture in the rest ef Europe, one of great power.

There is, moreover, probably no country in Europe in which the regional question is as enmeshed with the history of the working-class movement as in Spain. Although there is undoubtedly much folklore in the regional revivals which occurred in Spain in the 1960s and 1970s, (as they occurred throughout Europe), it is equally undeniable that the specific character of capitalist development, at different times and rhythms, in Catalonia and the Basque provinces, and later in Castile, Aragon, Andalucia and Galicia, marked the specific character of the working-c1ass movement in each of these regions, and that timing is ultimately traceable to the way in which the region was subsumed by the Habsburg state in the 16th century.

All this is not to deny the importance of the more visible, and more typical, Enlightenment and liberal currents that developed in Spain in the course of the late 18th and the 19th centuries. Nevertheless, the fact that, to take one example, the minor German philosopher Kraus could become major influence on 19th century liberal thought in Spain, indicates to what extent, as of the 17th century decline, Spain's involvement with contemporary European political and social developments was enfeebled. When compared to Italy, the European country which Spain most resembles, one immediately sees the difference between Spanish backwardness and the Italian traditions of late 18th and early 19th century illuminismo which, first, infused the movement for national unification and then, by transposition, laid the basis for a late 19th century Marxist culture in Italy second only to the German, one preceding by some 60 years the emergence of a comparable culture in a France overwhelmed by its own Jacobin tradition. Clearly, nothing of the sort occurred in Spain. There was no Spanish Labriola or even Croce; there was, later, no Spanish Gramsci or Bordiga. In the comparable period, Spain produced only the regenerationist movement of 1898, whose political program, sooner or later, could be traced to the 19th century jurist Joaquin Costa's call for an "iron surgeon" to pull Spain out of backwardness, a program amply realized by Maura, Primo de Rivera and Franco. The two regions which most closely resembled a European-type capitalist development, the Basque provinces and Catalonia, attempted within the constraining framework of the Castilian state to emulate mainstream European bourgeois culture, with mild success. But in the much rawer parts of the country, such as Andalucia, social relations remained in the hold of a latifundista society which could be traced, ultimately, to Roman times. Consequently, as Diaz del Moral argues in his famous book, the continuity with the millenarian revolts of tbe 10th and llth century Cordoba califate are direct..

What we are attempting to establish, for an analysis of 20th century Spanish working-class history, is the presence, in the very structures of the Spanish state and capitalism (if, indeed, prior to the 19th century, it could be called capitalism) a continuity with a millenarian tradition of social revolt that preceded, rather than followed, the consolidation of the more modern emancipatory-liberal bourgeois cultures of England, France, Italy or Germany and which, through Andalucia, was bequeathed to the working-class movement during its late 19th and early 20th century emergence. In subsequent chapters, we will explore certain subterranean aspects of these traditions in a more international context.

III. The Subterranean Relationship Between Spanish and Russian Working-Class History

In 1847, two Europeans from the peripheries of the continent, the Spanish reactionary Donoso Cortes and the Russian populist aristocrat Alexander Herzen visited Paris on the eve of the 1848 revolution. At opposite ends of the European political spectrum of the time, unknown to one another, they left the city with a remarkably similar intuition: that the European era of history was over, and that the impulse of European bourgeois civilization had spent itself. Analyses of this kind were not totally original; Goethe and Hegel, late in their lives, had similar intuitions of the end of Europe; Toqueville is only the best known of the thinkers who predicted the rise of the United States and Russia as world powers and the subsequent eclipse of Europe. But Donoso Cortes and Herzen were touching on something deeper than mere power-political relations between nation states; they sensed, coming from two peripheral countries with significant "non-European" components in their histories, that even the forces for the regeneration of the world shaped by the course of history since the Renaissance would henceforth come from the peripheries of that world.

Karl Marx, a third observer of European events from Paris and Brussels in the 1845-47 period, disagreed. He saw in the industrial working-classes then coming into existence in England, France and Germany grave-diggers of bourgeois society, even if, in his assessment of the 1848-1850 revolutionary cycle in Europe, he posited a "revolution in permanence" led by the workers in the "weak link" of the capitalism of the time, Germany.

We cite the curious coincidence in the "conspiracy of universal reason" between the intuitions of Donoso Cortes and Herzen because, after more than 150 years of failure by the European proletariat in the fulfillment of its historical mission, and because of certain lesser-known developments in the thought of Marx in the last decade of his life, they point to a little-noted subterranean linkage in European working-class history and, for that matter, in European history generally, the link between Spain and Russia. One historian put this succinctly, in a passage worth excerpting at length:

"...The peculiarites of Muscovite civilization as it took finished shape under Ivan IV, invite comparisons not only with Eastern despots and Western state builders but also with two seemingly remote civilizations: imperial Spain and ancient Israel.

Like Spain, Muscovy absorbed for Christendom the shock of alien invaders and found its national identity in the fight to expel them. As with Spain, the military cause became a religious one for Russia. Political and religious authority were intertwined; and the resultant fanaticism led both countries to become particularly intense spokesmen for their respective divisions of Christianity... The Russian and Spanish hierarchies were the most adamant with the Eastern and Western churches respectively in opposing the reconciliation of the churches at Florence in 1437-1439... Thus began the Russian fascination with, and partial imitation of, the Spanish Inquisition...A strange love-hate relationship continued to exist between these two proud, passionate and superstitious peoples-each ruled by an improbable folklore of military heroism; each animated by strong traditions of veneration for local saints; each preserving down to modern times a rich musical tradition of primitive atonal folk lament; each destined to be a breeding ground for revolutionary anarchism and the site of a civil war with profound international implications in the twentieth century....

Ortega y Gasset, one of the most perceptive of modern Spaniards, saw a strange affinity between 'Russia and Spain, the two extremities of the great diagonal of Europe...alike in being the two 'pueblo' races, races where the common people predominate.' In Spain no less than Russia the cultivated minority 'trembles' before the people...Spain was equally frustrated in its quest for political liberty; and "the two extremities" of Europe developed dreams of total liberation, which drove the cultivated minority to poetry, anarchy and revolution."

In the sphere of specifically working-class history, we note remarkable Russian influences at decisive junctures in the development of the Spanish working class. The best known is perhaps the 1868 visit of Fanelli, the Bakuninst delegate from the First International who, in clandestine meetings in Barcelona and Madrid, won the vanguard of Spanish labor at that time to Bakunin's faction in the International, and established an anarchist hegemony in key strata of Spanish labor that lasted until 1939. Unpopular and losing foreign wars (the Russian-Japanese war of 1904-05, the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Moroccan intervention of 1909) touched off ferment and working-class revolts in both countries: the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Spanish "Tragic Week" in Barcelona in 1909. The Russian Revolution of 1917, above all, struck a chord in the Spanish working class and peasantry like no foreign event before or since: it was the spark that set off the incendiary internal situation of the country in the years of the "Bolshevik exaltation", expressed in mass strikes and peasant uprisings that began with the mere arrival of news of the events in Russia.

When the worldwide insurrectionary period 1917-1920 had run its course, isolating the Russian Revolution and preparing its imminent, massive degeneration into Stalinism, Spain remained in the grip of the postwar ferment for several more years, finally spending itself in the pistolerismo of the early 1920's until the Primo de Rivera coup of 1923. But the Russian Revolution had recast the lines of the working-class movement everywhere, and Russia's influence in Spain now took the form of the fledgling Spanish Communist Party (PCE) founded in the international split of 1920 from the left wing of the PSOE and certain anarchist and syndicalist elements that broke away from the CNT during the Spanish Civil War and probably the most distinguished working-class leader of the interwar period in Spain. The PCE, as we shall see subsequently, remained a marginal sect in Spanish political and working-class life until, under greatly changed circumstances and leadership it became a mass party, and not primarily of workers, in 1936-1939.

The next phase of the Spanish-Russian osmosis was, of course, the Spanish revolution and civil war of 1936-1939, the only other European revolution of the 20th century besides the Russian that came remotely close to consolidating itself. The role of the PCE, the GPU and Stalin's foreign policy in Spain is all too well-known and documented The Spanish CP, as Burnett Bolleton in particular has shown, grew from a sect to a mass party in the closing months of 1936 with the prestige bestowed on it by Soviet aid and arms, and above all with its implicit, sometimes explicit call to roll back the workers' councils and peasant communes which had appeared in Catalonia and Aragon in July 1936, an emergence in which the PCE, of course, had played no role whatever.

Finally, it was the PCE that was at the center of Spanish working-class life in the 1939-1975 period of clandestinity, as shall be discussed at length.

We have included a section on the special Spanish-Russian relationtionship in working-class history and history generally for specific reasons. It might well be argued, at first approach, that there is nothing peculiar about the centrality of the "Russian question" in Spanish and European working-class politics after 1917; a similar centrality can be shown in virtually every country of significance. Our first reply to this argument is, as we have shown, that "Russian" influence in Spanish working-class history began, in contrast to all of northern Europe, in 1868 and not in 1917. But we have other reasons as well. Just as, in the previous chapter, we were concerned with a "suppressed past" linking modern Spanish culture and the working-class tradition there to 10th and 11th century millenarianism in Al-Andalus, we find in Marxism itself a "suppressed past" full of imp1ications for an interpretation of the Spanish-Russian relationship. In the last decade of Marx's life, the "Russian question" increasingly came to dominate Marx's attention, as indeeded the epicenter of European revolution was increasingly displaced to the German-Polish-Russian corridor. Marx's attention focused on two, interrelated aspects of Russian life, the question of the Asiatic mode of production and the peasant commune, the mir, which, given the survival of rural communal traditions in Spain and the relationship of Islamic Spain to Oriental despotism were not without importance for Spain as well. What we want to establish here, however, is that the Marxist influences which came into Spain through the PSOE and then through the PCE was a "Marxism" itself resting upon a suppressed past: Marx's views on the Russian peasant commune, as expressed in his 1878-1881 relations with the Russian populists, and the views of capitalist development explicit in this indisputably "late Marx".

Much to Marx's consternation, the first translation of Vol. I of Capital appeared, not in a Western European language as he anticipated, but in Russian. Almost immediately, Marx's most attentive readers and partisans, aside from the German Social Democrats, were to be found in the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia, at the time still deeply involved with the Populist perspective of agrarian revolution. The Populists contacted Marx in the late 1870's, and there ensued a fascinating correspondence around the Populists' question: can Russia have a revolution without passing through the inferno of capitalist industrialization? Marx's reply to the Populists, stated at greatest length in three letters to Vera Zasulich written (and never mailed) in 1879, constitute the first Marxist statement on the social side of the "Russian question". (Marx had written a great deal about the "gendarme of Europe" in his journalistic geopolitical analyses.) Marx's reply would have amazed his epigones in the German Social Democracy and later in the Second International. One of the most famous passages occurs in an earlier (1877) letter to a Russan journal which had favorably commented on Marx's work and had applied his analysis of primitive accumulation to Russian conditions.

Commenting on the direction of Russian society since the emancipation of the serfs, a prelude to full commodity production in the sphere of agriculture, Marx writes:

"If Russia continues on the road on which it embarked in 1861, it will lose the greatest chance which history has ever offered a people, and instead will have to pass through all the fateful vicissitudes of the capitalist regime."

Whereas, in Social Democratic circles, a Bebel in the early 1890's could already say that he favored anything that advanced the development of capitalism (hastening as it would the coming of socialism) Marx in his letters to Zasulich and other Populists argues that Russia, on the basis of the pre-capitalist agrarian commune could, if the revolution occurred before the full penetration of agriculture by commodity relations, skip entirely the capitalist phase of development and pass directly to communism. Marx even entertained the possibility of a Russian revolution without simultaneous revolution in the West.

The significance of this for Spain is, as we indicated above, the multi-faceted view of the virtues of capitalist civilisation clearly present in Marx's approach to Russia were completely lost in the 1890's, when the early Russian Marxists, in their polemic against the final, degenerate phase of Populism, imported into Russia the one-sided, linear, progressivist view of history already developed by German Social Democracy. At the hands of Bebel, Kautsky, Plekhanov and Lenin, Marx's theory was transformed into a unilateral glorification of capitalist development and a veritable eulogy to the productive forces. Further, through the Lassallean tradition in German Social Democracy and later through the practice of the Russian state, this productivism was fused with a mercantilist-statist doctrine of industrialization of underdeveloped countries. In the person of Largo Caballero and his relationship to the Spanish state, this discourse strangely merged with Joaquin Costa's late 19th century call for an "iron surgeon" to modernize Spain. Thus the local Spanish variant of what was called Marxism, from the 1898-1909 period until the 1960's, was a variant generated within the labor movement of the call to transform Spain into a modern capitalist country. As will be shown, through the PSOE and then the PCE, successively under Maura, Primo de Rivera and Franco, it accomplished that task admirably. In Spain, and obviously not only in Spain, Marxism of the German and later Russian variety was an ideology for the transition to what we will analyze in the following chapter as the "real domination of capital". What is different in Spain, relative to the rest of Western Europe, is that the unusually long hegemony of the earlier, anti- statist and millenarian tradition, right up to the civil war, and then the total impossibility of its reconstitution with the dissolution of Francoism, presents a two-fold lesson: on one hand, that anarchism, revolutionary syndicalism and syndicalism, in various countries, were working-class ideologies possible only in the phase of the formal domination of capital, but also that they hold up the mirror, in a distorted way, to the more "successful" statist-mercantilist and productivist ideologies of early Social Democracy and then Communism which apparently defeated them, when the latter's dissolution at the end of the process shows us clearly their real historical role. The battle of anarchism against Marxism, both in 1890-1914 and, on the level of folklore, more recently, is a hopeless one, but, as we have tried to show, "Marxist" truth was hardly only on one side of the debate in that earlier period. When statism and productivism have exhausted themselves, as they have today, it is Marx's perspective of the constitution of the material human community, as the negation and supercession of the state, the perspective informing his dialogue with Russian Populism, which returns as the truth of a movement totally defeated.

Marx, in the final decade of his life, became obsessed with the Russian question. This was not only because of his unexpected audience in the Russian Populists, but also, if Wittfogel is right, because he had begun to intuit the possibility of an "Asiatic restoration" through a revolution in Russia, a restoration eerily prescient of the specter which Lenin, in his last speeches, was attempting to exorcise. On one level, the interest of the Russian question was a transposition of the earlier theory of permanent revolution, developed in 1848-50 to describe the role of the German working class relative to the "weak link" of German capitalism to the new "weak link" that was emerging in the German-Russian zone of development. But there was something more at work: it was Marx's sense that the triumphal eastward march of capita1ism from 17th century England and across the continent in the 18th and 19th century revolutions might either run up against barriers to development he had not anticipated in his earlier work, or that it might lead to the situation anticipated in a letter to Engels, not without relevance today:

"For us, this is the difficult question: on the continent revolution is imminent and will immediately assume a socialist character; but will it not of necessity be snuffed out in this little corner of the world, because, on a larger terrain, the mo'ement of bourgeois society is still on the ascendant?"

Marx had arrived at the intuition of Donoso Cortes and Herzen: that the future of capitalist civilisation would not be decided, as he himself often stated in his better-known writings, in the heartland of capitalist development, in the England "which holds up the mirror of the future to the other capitalist countries", in France or in Germany, but precisely where capitalist relations had only begun to penetrate or where they had not even been constituted.

Marx's unknown writings on the Russian commune and related matters obviously did not influence the socialist discussion of these matters in the century that followed. Of pre-1914 European socialists, only Rosa Luxemburg and Anton Pannekoek found the question of the economic development of the colonies, and the social movements that arose there, worthy of interest. Yet, with hindsight, after the experience of Stalinism, and the extremely fragile character of capitalist development almost everywhere outside the zones in which it was dominant 120 years ago the Marx-Zasu1ich correspondence and Marx's late preoccupation with Russia and the non-Western world seems almost prophetic. It further casts light on the nature of the history of the Spanish working class, and allows us to assess more closely the peculiar character of Spanish capitalism analyzed in Ch. II.

In 1933, there appeared in Madrid a work by Carlos and Pedro Caba entitled Andalucia: su communismo y su cante jondo. While this book is primarily devoted to a study of the history and content of flamenco, it echoes in remarkable fashion many of the ideas of Billington on the parallels between Spain and Russia. It points to the long millenarian tradition in Andalucia, beginning with the Sufi-led peasant insurrections of the l0th and 11th centuries against the Cordoba califate; it traces the reverberations of these movements in the various, marginal currents of thought, culture and social ferment in Spain into the 15th and 16th centuries, currents forced underground by the Habsburg monarchy, as we alluded to previously.

The Cabas cite one element which Billington omitted: that the atonal folk lament common to both countries had a common source: the gypsies, who arrived in Spain in the late 15th century after their centuries-long migration from India, which had brought them to southern Russia in the 11th and 12th centuries.

What is curious about the gypsies, as various commentators on the history of flamenco have noted, is that they themselves have no music; in most European countries where they settled in the Renaissance period, the gypsies are amusical. In two countries, and only two, their arrival served as a leaven to an indigenous popular music, a music which, at least in the case of Spain, was linked to millenarian peasant rebellion. These two countries are, of course, Spain and the zone ef southern Russia, extending into the Balkans.

We cannot of course deal at length with flamenco here, to say nothing of the history of the gypsies. But can one dismiss as a mere coincidence the fact that the two westernmost provinces ef Andalucia, the area around Jerez, from which the cante jondo subsequently established its influence throughout Andalucia (flamenco being an Andalucian and not, as is often believed outside Spain, a Spanish music) are the very provinces from which anarchism in the 1890's extended its influence to become the dominant current in Spanish labor into the 1930's? Our point, for purposes of this essay, is precisely what we attempted to develop in Section II on the legacy of Spanish bourgeois development for the subsequent labor movement: the Spanish working class and peasant movements, particularly in Andalucia and in Andalucia-influenced Barcelona, was the heir to the millenarian communal revolutionarv tradition that reached backed to the 10th and 11th centuries. Spain, like Russia, had a decisive "non-Western" component in its history, and it was, like Russia, a country that remained somewhat impervious to the expanding concentric circles of capitalist development centered, initially, in 17th century England. Finally, Spain, like Russia, experienced a more than average dose of mid-20th century barbarism.

If this analysis is right, then the millenarian traditions of pre-capitalist revolt, such as one finds them in Spanish and Russian history, are more important for the formation of the working class and socialist movements than have previously been recognized, and in view of the fact that Spain and Russia, alone in the 20th century, had anything resembling a socialist revolution, all the more so. The Russian peasant mir, the Andalucian millennium of a "primitive communism" of the land, and vestiges of a communal tradition in Aragon (which re-emerged in force during the Civil War) all Survived in Russia and Spain into the 20th century, and played significant roles in the Russian and Spanish revolutions.

The socialist movements that issued from the Second and Third Internationals, on the other hand, both rejected the significance of these traditions and embraced, as we argued, a unilateral affirmation of capitalist industrialization closer to Smith and Ricardo than to Marx. The Spanish socialist movement associated with Marxism, first in the PSOE and later in the rise to hegemony of the PCE after 1936, was totally subsumed by the latter view, a Marxism that was in fact more the ideology of a substitute bourgeois revolution than a perspective for communism. In Ch. V, we will trace the absorption of this statist-mercantilist discourse by the PSOE and then the PCE. But to understand why this occurred, we must understand the specific nature of the mutation of capitalism in which these parties assisted, to whose analysis we now turn.

IV. Formal and Real Domination of Capital in Spanish Economic Development

"Because money is itself the community, it cannot tolerate any other standing over and against it."

Marx, Grundrisse (1857)

The argument developed thus far runs along the following lines. We first attempted to show how, after 1973, the unraveling of the world economy has substantially reformulated the very categories with which we approach working-class militancy, in Spain or anywhere else, for the period of the late 1960's and early 1970's. In particular, the international working class movement, and thus of course the Spanish movement, was locked, by the hegemony of the Western European Communist Parties into the "universe of discourse" set down in the 1917-1921 upsurge associated with the Russian Revolution, and much more so, the failure of that revolution. We then tried to show that it was a peculiarity of Spanish history, in contrast to more mainstream European countries, that a decisive part of its political culture was set down, not in the emancipatory period of bourgeois revolutions, but in the high Middle Ages, and in a bureaucratic state consolidation that effectively enfeebled Spain's participation in those revolutions, decisively marking the later liberal and then working-class movements. This "millenarian" legacy of both pre-Renaissance high culture and traditions of peasant revolt in Andalucia gave Spain a special affinity with another "semi-European" country at the other end of the continent, Russia, a country which after 1890, and particularly 1917, was the point of reference for the world working class movement, for better and, later, for worse. This affinity gave Spanish working-class history "Russian" overtones going far back into the 19th century, in contrast to northern European labor movements, where the Russian Revolution and the formation of the Third International intersected working classes emerging from Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment political traditions, and effectively fused with left wings of indigenous Social Democracies, precisely the current that was notable by its absence in Spain.

The purpose of this exposition, as stated in Ch. III, is to show the role of the labor movement itself in propelling Spanish capitalism into a higher stage of development. In order, however, to demonstrate how an ideology and a practice mesh with something, it is necessary to show what it meshed with. This requires a look at the development of Spanish capitalism itself.

Capitalism, or at least direct involvement in 19th century European industrialization, came to Spain in the 1850's and 1860's boom in railroad construction, financed by British and even more by French banks. As indicated in previous sections, Catalonia and the Basque country, by their closer links to northern Europe, underwent forms of development roughly analogous to northern Italy, though constantly held back by the stagnant, more backward parts of the country, their tariff demands, and the state bureaucracy in Madrid. Catalonia developed a vigorous textile industry as early as the 1820's, and the Basque country produced steel, ships and coal for the world market by the 1880's. Nevertheless, these were local pockets of economic progress within a larger society that was still largely agrarian, one moreover thrown into crisis by the world depression of 1873 and the long decades of deflation, particularly of agricultural prices, that affected the politics of every country and which put an end to the era of liberalism through variations on the "iron and rye" coalition that pushed through Germany's grain tariff in 1879. Liberalism, as indicated, was never particularly aggressive in Spain to begin with. These forces had had their moments from 1808 onward but, by the 1840's, the liberals, like their counterparts in other European countries, were becoming frightened by the increasing independence of the urban working classes and peasantry and tended more and more to seek an understanding with the powerful strata of the Ancien Régime, the landed interests, church, the aristocracy and the state bureaucracy. The final hour of this kind of 19th century liberalism was in the revolution of 1868 and subsequent crisis, until the 1873-1874 social struggles set down the outlines of the Canovite restoration which ruled the country through a system of local caciques until it was discredited in the regenerationist crisis of 1898. Interestingly, as a result of the world depressions and deflation of the 1873-1896 period, which drove Spanish capita1ists to come to terms with the landed interests on tariff policy, the actual structure of the active population in Spain remained almost unaltered over a 35-year period, changing only from 11 to 16% employed in industry and from 70 to 66% employed in agriculture between 1877 and 1910.

This was a social and economic process which was worldwide. The effect of the entry into the world market of the highly-productive new agricultural sectors of Australia, Argentina, the U.S. and Russia, along with greatly reduced shipping costs, was not merely an agricultural or even economic event. Its social effect was to throw into crisis the agrarian sectors of all the weakest producers, displacing millions of peasants throughout Europe, a displacement which accelerated the emigration of these peasants to North and South America. Such emigration was, for Spain in this period, a social safety valve of the first order. On a world scale, this drastic cheapening of the cost of food had the additional effect of cheapening the cost of reproducing labor power. In many countries, working-class living standards rose even as nominal wages fell.

This overall cheapening of the basic reproductive components of the working-class wage bill announced a new period of accumulation then only in its infancy in advanced countries such as the U.S. or Germany, where the technical intensification of production, as opposed to the lengthening of the working day, made it possible to significantly increase the material content of working-class consumption even as the working-class share of the total social product remained steady or declined This was the threshold of the transition between two phases of capitalist accumulation, its "extensive" and "intensive" forms, or what Marx called the "formal" and "real" domination of capital over labor.

The transition between these two epochs was a long and painful process, running from the 1873-1896 "great deflation" to the consolidation of U.S. world hegemony in 1945. Germany and the U.S., in the 1933-1945 period, were the first two countries to revamp their domestic institutions to fully accomplish this phase. And although real domination did not come to Spain until the 1958-1973 liberalization under Franco, it, like all other weakly-developed capitalist countries after 1873, also had to adapt its institutions to the new international regime.

If one were for a moment to step back from concrete history and draw up abstract characterisations ef formal and real domination, it would be as follows:

Formal Domination

Real Domination

(Extensive Accumulation)

(Intensive Accumulation)

1. trade unions combatted

1. trade unions tolerated, promoted

2. parliamentarism

2. state bureaucracy

3. non-militarist

3. militarist

4. colonialism

4. imperialism

5. liberal professions

5. technical professions

6. peasants into workers

6. expansion of tertiary sector

7. state as minimal consumer (as % of GNP)

7. state as major consumer

8. laissez-faire capitalism

8. concentration, regulation

9. secondary role of finance capital

9. hegemony of finance capital

10. low financial interelations ratio (FIRO)

10. high FIRO

11. gold standard (Ricardo)

11. fiat money (Keynes, Schacht)

12. working class as pariah class

12. "community of labor"

13. urbanization

13. suburbanization

14. absolute surplus value

14. relative surplus value

15.primative accumulation off internal petty producers

15. primative accumulation by wage gouging

16. labor retains craft aspects

16. Taylorism

17. labor struggles to shorten the working day

17. technical intensifiscation of the labor process


Precisely because capitalist accumulation is a world system, we would be surprised to find all of these characteristics present in any single country, or any single break in a country's history that marked the transition from one to the other. Once again, we might periodize the transition for the major capitalist countries as follows:


Germany 1890-1914-1929-1933-1945


France 1944-1958

Italy 1945-1958

Spain 1939-1958

What is immediately striking in this schematization is that it sets off the three countries, the U.S., Britain and Germany, which were the major industrial powers in 1900 from those countries which still had large peasant smallholder populations in 1945, (or, in the case of Spain, peasants and rural laborers) which could still serve as a pool of cheap labor for industrial development. We note, further, that the second group includes exclusively countries which protected their peasants behind high tariff barriers in 1873-1896, whereas the first group either had modern agricultures at the onset of the crisis or effectively modernized through the crisis. But, and perhaps most significantly, we note that the three countries which went through the longer transition from an early 20th century position of industrial strength were precisely those characterized by "non-ideological" Social Democratic working-class organizations after 1945-1952, whereas the three countries of the later transition were characterized by mass Communist Parties, parties which, in keeping with the overall analysis, entered crisis precisely as the transition to real domination was completed.

Many reflections of an economic and historical nature are possible here; our summary treatment of this problem in effect raises more questions than it answers. Spain, as indicated earlier, was so backward relative to the advanced industrial and agricultural producers in 1873-1896 that it accomplished little, prior to World War I, beyond joining the worldwide movement to high tariff walls for its industry and agriculture. The boom visited upon non-belligerent Spain in 1914-1919 propelled the country forward, but also set off a social crisis beginning in 1917 that was resolved by a military coup only in 1923. Thereafter, Primo de Rivera, along with Salazar and Mussolini, undertook the kinds of infrastructural developments that were the forte of fascist and corporatist regimes of the interwar period.. Indeed, fascist-corporatist infrastructure development, and the revamping of state economic institutions that accompanied it, seem to have been the direct prelude the full integration of these countries in the new phase of accumulation that opened in 1945. Spain's state holding company, the Instituto Nacional de Industria (INI) was founded in 1941 on the Italian model of Musso1ini's IRI. Spain in the 1939-1958 period retained the statist institutions of fascist interwar autarchy, which brought the country to the edge of bankruptcy in 1956-58. Insofar as the latter year was decisive for the transition under discussion in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, it might be useful to elaborate its significance.

Franco himself apparently believed that, to root anarchism out of Spain, it was necessary to solve the problem of rural labor in Andalucia. To bring the account of Spanish economic development into line with previous and subsequent chapters, one must see that the migration of Andalucian labor, first internally and then, after 1958, to northern Europe, was the decisive demographic reality of Spanish life after the Civil War. The internationalization of the world economy after 1945 created a situation which increasingly dissolved the separate national paths of economic development up to the crisis of 1929-1945; the Spanish countryside was depopulated as much by the demand for labor in Frankfurt and Paris as by a similar demand in the suburbs of Barcelona. Whereas Britain, the U.S. and Germany were able to shift accumulation to the kind of "Dept. II" consumer durables for the working-class, central to the conception of real domination in tandem with an internal solution to their national agricultural sectors, the possibilities opened up for the export of labor power to external labor markets after 1958 made it possible for countries like Spain (and also Italy) to move into the new phase of accumulation while leaving large archaic agrarian structures intact, at the same time that the countryside was seriously depopulated, at least of adult males. In 1970, 35%.o'f Spain's gross domestic product came from industry and 50% from services; by 1980, these figures had increased to 36% and 56% respectively. In terms of the structure of the active population, this translated into a decline of the agricultural population from 50.5% of the total in 1940 to 22.9% in 1975, with industry increasing its share from 22.1 to 36.8, and services from 27.4 to 40.3%.

In sum, Maura and the regenerationists of 1898-1909, and Primo de Rivera in the infrastructural development of 1923-31, were able only to lay the foundations for the integral transition accomplished by Franco in 1958-1973, and that in a far more internationalized economy than ever existed before World War II. But to understand the impact of these developments on the various currents of Spanish labor, i.e. to understand that the program of the PCE and the PSOE after 1977 was the fulfillment of the program of Primo de Rivera of 1923-31, it is necessary to see the role of Spanish labor in the transition to real domination.

V. Anarcho-Syndicalism and the Transition to the Real Domination of Capital in Spanish Working History

With the visit of the Italian anarchist Fanelli to Barcelona and Madrid in 1868, a significant vanguard of Spanish working-class organizers were won over to the Bakuninist faction of the First International. Within the international context of the time, this success is situated in a broader sphere of anarchist allegiance which had a lasting impact not only in Spain, but also in France, Italy, Russia and Latin America.

Anarchism was not the only working-class current which made inroads in Spain in this period. Marxism also arrived with Paul Lafargue, sent in 1871 to find co-factioneers for the battle within the International against Bakunin, who had less success than Fanelli but who established a socialist hegemony in Madrid and the Basque country which were to become Marxist bastions as firmly as Andalucia and Catalonia were won over to anarchism. There are undoubtedly historical reasons for these regional alignments, which will not be explored here. The Partido Socialisto Obrero Español (PSOE) founded in 1879; the Union General de Trabajo (UGT), in 1882. Anarchist currents were not able to found the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) until 1911, and the Federación Anarchista Iberica (FAI), the "political" or insurrectional expression of anarchism, was founded only in clandestinity in 1927.

Despite the violence of the class struggle both in the countryside and in Barcelona in the late 19th and early 20th century, neither the PSOE-UGT nor, later, the CNT-FAI could be described as powerful organizations in this early period in the same way that the German SPD and its unions, by 1910, were powerful. As indicated earlier, as late as the 1909 Tragic Week, insurrection in Barcelona, radical republicanism was still a potent force within the Spanish working class and urban artisans, the latter an important category for Catalonia. Because the anarchists specifically eschewed politics, the violence of the strikes and potential insurrections of 1909 and 1917-1923 deeply frightened the Spanish bourgeoisie and landed interests, but did not directly threaten state power in the way that, for example, the 1905 or 1917 revolutions in Russia did.

Spain was hardly the sole country in which anarchism vied with a socialist party affiliated with the Second International prior to World War I. Anarchism, anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism arose and played important roles in almost every country except the Central European heartland (Germany, Austria -Hungary) where the "crown jewel' of Second International parties, the German SPD, exercised hegemony. One need only remember the 1906 Amiens Charter of the French CGT, a militant English, Scottish and Irish syndicalism inspired by the American Marxist Daniel DeLeon, Italian anarcho-syndicalism, and Russian anarchism, which developed as an important working-class current right up to 1920-21.In a broader context, one must include the anarcho-syndicalism prevalent in the working classes of Mexico, Brazil and Argentina. (What is curious about Spain in this context is the majoritarian quality of the anarchist movement, which sets it off from every European country.) Throughout the capitalist world, from 1905 until the denouement of the classical workers' movement in the "annus mirabilis' 1919, anarchism could appear to many people, on both sides of the class line, as just as serious a threat to the capitalist system as Marxian socialism.

The turning point in the history of anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism was the First World War, which put it, like all other working-class currents, to a trial by fire from which it never recovered. This was obviously not the case in non-combatant Spain, which enjoyed from 1914 to 1919 an a1most frenzied economic boom based on the world demand for war materiel, a boom also creating conditions, through inflation and a high demand for labor, which by 1917 set off the long period of strikes and working-class ferment which ended only with the military coup of Primo de Rivera in 1923. The CNT enjoyed its finest hours prior to 1936 in this ferment, until disarray and internal factionalization within the movement itself, aided by a fair number of provocateurs, led to the wave of assassinations of both employers and of rival factional figures inside the CNT of Barcelona pistolerismo in the early 1920s.

But even more was impinging on prewar anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism in the 1914-1920 period, in Spain and internationally, than the question of World War I. The war itself had taken a serious toll, perhaps best exemplified in the July 1914 conversion of the French revolutionary syndicalist Gustave Hervé, editor of the working-class newspaper La Guerre Sociale, to the tricolore. Most revolutionary syndicalists in France, who weeks before had been preaching revolutionary pacifism in the face of the war and vaunting the merits of the general strike to prevent it, followed his example. The non-belligerent status of Spain probably saved the CNT from at least a major split on this question. What pulled Spanish and international anarcho-syndicalism toward its historical day of reckoning, above and beyond this unexpected bout of patriotism, was the Russian Revolution, the formation of the new Communist International out of that revolution and, more subtly but probably in the long run more fatefully, the transformations of the capitalist state and economy which the war brought about. The sudden need, in 1914, in every belligerent country, to win the allegiance (or more precisely to cement, insofar as this allegiance was readily offered) of the right and center currents of the working-class political parties and trade unions in most cases brought the unions from their previous untouchable status to positions within governments. The rapid creation of war administrations brought trade union officials onto state labor boards for the first time in history. It cannot be an accident that Franklin D. Roosevelt, John Maynard Keynes, Jean Monnet, Hjalmar Schacht and Walter Rathenau, five figures intimately associated with the mutation of the capitalist state after World War I, all spent the years 1914-1918 in the employ of the war administrative boards of their respective countries. It was World War I which brought to a head all of the corporatist currents implicit in prewar Social Democratic, Labour and mutualist working-class ideologies. When, by 1924, the revolutionary wave had ebbed in Europe, there were to be found in countries as different in their regimes as Russia, Italy, and Mexico state bureaucracies in whose creation former anaroho-syndicalists had played no small role.

In Spain, the situation was different. Spanish anarchism was neither put to the test of participation in the war, nor was the Spanish state revamped for large-scale labor participation. In Spain's neutral status, and all that it implied politically for the labor movement-the PSOE, for its part, was definitely pro-Ally and had an important interventionist current-we have perhaps the first approximation of the postwar anomaly that in Spain, alone, by 1924, anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism had not disappeared as a mass phenomenon.

But there is a further ingredient in this process, and one which shows the same anomalous character of Spain. That was, in 1919-1920, the large-scale entry of anarchists and revolutionary syndicalists throughout the world into the newly-formed Communist Parties of the Third International. Lenin and Trotsky in these early years encouraged a policy of fusion with the "best of the anarchists", and the relationship between Bolshevism and anarchism, in the years 1919-1921, indeed remained fluid enough that some anarchists in Petrograd could be mobilized for the assault on Kronstadt in March 1921. The IWW in the U.S., the revolutionary syndicalists in Britain, Scotland and France, the German-Dutch "ultra-left" around Pannekoek and Gorter which formed in the underground resistance to World War I, and important elements of the CNT flocked into the early Third International. If they had any doubts about working with the Bolsheviks, the appearance of Lenin's State and Revolution assuaged many. In Spain, in particular, the young Andres Nin, who came out of the CNT, helped found the new Spanish Communist Party, and, after the Stalinization of the Comintern, left to become a leader of the left-centrist POUM until his assassination by the GPU in 1937.

In the backdrop of these developments in Spain, one must keep in mind the phenomenon of the "Bolshevik exaltation" which hit the country with the news of the two Russian Revolutions in 1917, described by Diaz del Moral. Coming at the outbreak of the six-year period of labor unrest, the news of the Russian Revolution was sufficient to spark peasant uprisings in Amdalucia. We are here in the thick of the Spanish-Russian connection described in Ch. III, because at no time in history did the decades of Russian influence in the Spanish working-class tradition come as close to millenarian expectation and insurrectionary activity as in 1917-1920.

Yet, in spite of this, and for the same complex of reasons that spared the Spanish labor movement the test of World War I, the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), from 1920 to 1936, was little more than a sect, with a membership as low as several thousand by 1931. A left wing broke out of the PSOE because of the pro-Allied stance of the majority and the comportment of the leadership in the internal crisis beginning in 1917, fusing with the currents which, like Nin, deserted the CNT. (The CNT itself actually briefly affiliated with the Cominform, the Third International's trade union organization.)

To see the relationship between these developments and the argument developed in earlier sections about the statist vocation of the mainstream labor movement, we must now turn our attention to Spanish anarchism's rival, the PSOE. It is necessary to show, both purposes of the period under consideration and for developments after 1939, that the Social Democratic and later Communist currents of Spanish labor (like labor everywhere else in the advanced capitalist world) were the underside, sometimes subterranean, sometimes explicit, of the development of the modern capitalist state, the state which is the political expression of the mutation we have called the "real domination of capital".

The PSOE, from its founding in 1879 to the time of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship in 1923 was, like other Social Democracies in the Spanish-speaking world (Chile and Argentina being the best examples) really little more than a left-parliamentary organization in its political conception, difficult to distinguish from Freemasonry (and Freemasons were prominent members of such parties). This parliamentarism probably had an important role in limiting the appeal of the PSOE to the Spanish workers' drawn to anarchism, much as the parliamentarism of the SFI0 in France pushed many French workers toward the "'direct action"' of the CGT. What was curious about the PSOE was its peculiarly pronounced statist appetites. In 1908, the young Largo Caballero, who later led the party, under both Primo de Rivera and into the Second Republic and Civil War, headed the Institute for Social Reform, an institute which had a semi-official relationship to the state and whose activities consisted in both the study of working-class conditions and to the drafting of labor legislation. It was, in the Europe of its day, the most advanced institute of its kind, in some sense in advance even of the Webbs in England. With the Primo de Rivera coup in 1923, the Institute for Secial Reform was absorbed directly into the Ministry of Labor.

What ensued was one of the most curious chapters in Spanish working-class history, one with many implications for a grasp of the post-1939 and particularly the 1958-1973 period. Maura's attempts, during his tenure as Prime Minister in 1906-1909, at the creation of a modern capitalist state, had little concrete effect, and similarly the legislation proposed by the Institute for Social Reform (some of which, concerning working conditions and hours, was actually made into law) remained essentially a dead letter. Politicians like Cambo, with more of a sense than Maura's of the need to work with labor, never gained effective power. But after the temporary measures of the 1914-1918 period, Primo de Rivera after 1923 was in a position to move more forcefully in the directions only outlined by Maura. Primo de Rivera's economic policy was essentially modeled on that of Mussolini, who had seized power in Italy in 1922. The activities of the Spanish state in the 1923-1931 period are analogous to those of the Italian state and the Portuguese state under Salazar after 1926: the development of infrastructure. None of these regimes were notable, in this period, for their success in promoting industrial development directly, but, like Mussolini and Salazar, Primo de Rivera's government did involve the Spanish state in road improvement, dam construction, revamping of the railroads, electrification and other preconditions for modern industrial growth. The natural gas industry was nationalized. What, however, distinguished Primo de Rivera from his Portuguese and Italian counterparts, was a serious attempt to involve the PSOE in a semi-official relationship with the regime To this end, the Spanish government, through the newly-incorporated Institute for Social Reform, promulgated corporatist labor legislation, the most significant of which was the creation of factory councils, anticipations of post-World War II Mitbestimmung and autogestion.

This close relationship between Primo de Rivera and Largo Caballero was, among the European dictatorships that came into existence in the early 1920's, probably unique, perhaps most closely paralleled by the relationship between Pilsudski and the Polish trade unions. It created deep bitterness in the CNT, the PCE and the left wing of the PSOE, many of whose militants were forced underground or into exile in this period. After the collapse of the dictatorship and the monarchy in 1931, the PSOE was obliged to follow the social ferment leftward, and Largo Caballero enjoyed a brief period in1936-37 as a candidate for the "Spanish Lenin", though little came of it. The point is that, after the very elementary groping toward a labor policy of this type in the 1898-1909 period, corporatism of an explicit kind came to Spain in 1923-1931.

Resuming the earlier narrative of the history of the revolutionary currents in Spanish labor, what is significant for the overall arc of 20th-century working-class history, for the confluence of these statist currents which in 1909 and 1923-1931 were minoritarian, with the mainstream of Spanish working-class organizations in the period of the Second Republic (1931-1939). The agency for this convergence was the PCE, which after its ultra-left and sect-like status for most of 1920-1936, grew almost overnight into a mass party, in vastly changed conditions, in 1936-1937.

What is significant in this development is that, after the revolutionary rupture of 1917-1921 which produced the early Communist Parties out of the fusion, in every country, of left-wing Socialists and revolutionary syndicalists or anarchists, the post-1921 ebb relegated the parties of the Comintern to a long period of marginalization and, far worse, degeneration. The "Bolshevization" and "Zinovievization" of every Western European party after 1922, particularly, drove out the very revolutionary syndicalist elements which had rallied to the CPs in 1919-1920. Nin in Spain, and Monatte and Rosmer in France, are the best-known examples of this phenomenon. Not accidentally, whether in 1923-1924 or with the final defeat of the international left opposition in the Comintern in 1928, these elements went on to become the nucleus of the Trotskyist movement. For figures such as Monatte, the futility of their efforts to reconstitute pre-1914 revolutionary syndicalism only underlined the fundamental change which had remade the conditions of working-class struggle from top to bottom.

The story is not complete, however, until the era of the Popular Front, the Resistance movements of World War II and the governments of "national reconstruction" after 1945, when the marginal Communist Parties of the infamous "Third Period" (the Third Period of the Comintern's errors, as Trotsky called it) in 1928-1934 grew into mass parties in the context of an "anti-fascist" alliance with the "progressive wing of the bourgeoisie". It is here, in different phases in different countries but everywhere, essentially in identical fashion, that the circle is closed in the involvement of the Socialist and Communist Parties, and their trade unions, in the transformation of the capitalist state for the new phase of accumulation, beginning after 1945, which we have characterized as the real domination of capital. What was merely hinted in the 1898-1909 period of Spanish politics, what was implemented as corporatism in the curious Primo de Rivera-Largo Caballero relationship in 1923-1931, become in 1935-1947 the character of the mass Social Democratic and Communist Parties in Western Europe. If the economic analysis presented in the previous section is correct, the advanced conditions of real domination prevailing in the more industrialized countries such as Germany, Britain and the U.S. prescribed a more "Social Democratic" form of corporatist involvement with the state; in the countries, such as Italy, France and Spain which a arrived at the phase of real domination only in the 1950's, and particularly after the revamping of Europe for the Common Market and large-scale U.S. investment after 1958, this mutation took a "Communist" form. But an honest appraisal, one which casts a disabused look on the practice of the parties of the Socialist International, in the supposedly heroic period prior to 1914, one cannot, whether the case in Germany or Spain, deny important antecedents to this practice in the heyday of the classical workers' movement.

It may seem strange, in a text on the history of the 20th century Spanish working class, to devote so little space to the experience of the Civil War. It was obviously here that Spanish anarchism, in particular, was subjected, with two decades delay, to the trial by fire which international anarchism and syndicalism generally failed in 1914. The debacle of the CNT-FAI's participation in the 1936-1937 Republican government in well-known; the murderous role of the PCE against other working-class currents, mention of which might have aroused controversy 50 years ,ago, is today acknowledged by the PCE itself. The purpose of this section is not to go, once again, over the well-tread ground of Stalinist "betrayal" and counter-revolution which was, rightly, the subject of the best works on the revolution and civil war, but to trace the statist ambitions which first appeared in the PSOE prior to World War I, and follow their trajectory into the period of the Popular Front, when the Spanish Communist Party itself took over this tradition integrally. The total defeat and destruction of the Spanish labor movement in 1936-1939 previously spelled the end of anarchism as a real force in the Spanish working class. The stage was set, for the period after 1939, for complete PCE hegemony in the long underground struggle against Francoism. But the entire argument brought to bear thus far, one confirmed by the later period, is precisely that anarchism disappeared as a serious force in Spanish and international working-class history not for the ultimately contingent reasons of Stalinist reaction or military defeat, to say nothing of the confusion of the anarchists themselves in 1936-1937. The argument, in 1975-1977, of many nostalgics for the CNT, that the PCE had survived and anarchism had not, after 1939, due to the PCE's authoritarian structure, which allowed it to survive underground, does not stand up to the reality that the PSOE, with virtually no party structure in Spain in 1975, became overnight a mass party (albeit with the open support of the monarchy and northern European Social Democracy), while the CNT's return to Spain, aside from some isolated pockets of students and intellectuals, was, after 1975 largely a failure, characterized by rancor arid splits over control of union funds. The civil war, for all the destruction it wrought, becomes in retrospect merely the extreme, Spaniah variant of the demise of working-class currents of the anarchist and syndicalist type, which elsewhere occurred in 1914-1924. What history also shows, however, when one comes out the other end of the 1939-1975 period, is that the hegemony of the Stalinists was only a prelude to their own demise. For once the transition to real domination was complete in Spain, a transition which, both in the Second Republic and, as shall shortly be seen, under Franco after 1958, the PSOE played a key role, the party's own statist aspirations were its undoing. For, as the working classes of France, Spain and, in a different way, Italy came to see in 1970's, if "socialism" is reduced to a corporatist participation in capitalist planning agencies, why not throw one's lot in with a slick group of bright young technocrats who will get more results than the barely de-Stalinized remnants of an earlier era? Partisans of a harder, earlier version of bureaucratic control of the state, the Longos, Leroys, the little-mourned Duclos, or General Lister, can wring their hands over "Euro-opportunism", but they cannot deny that, in 1935-1947, (excepting the brief 1939-41 interlude of the Stalin-Hitler pact) a more virulent version of the same thing was the woof and warp of "proletarian internationalism", and those who opposed it, the Trotskyist and ultra-left remnants of the early Comintern, nothing but the paid agents of Franco, Hitler and the Mikado.

VI. The Drift to Clandestine Corporatism and the Road to Moncloa, 1939-1977

The military defeat of the Republic and the severe repression carried out against the Spanish working class in 1939 paralyzed the class struggle in Spain until the late 1950's. With over one million people forced into exile, hundreds of thousands of workers dead in the civil war, and thousands more executed or held in concentration camps (in many cases until the late 1940's) the large and powerful Spanish working-class parties and trade unions of the pre-1936 period were effectively annihilated on the peninsula and condemned to thirty-five years of exile and clandestine activity. The anarchists, in particular, staged heroic but futile guerrilla raids from across the French border until approximately 1950, but in general nothing was left of the pre-war organizations of Spanish labor except the dispersed underground cells of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), a small remnant of the CNT operating clandestinely in Barcelona, and some weak Socialist links to the former PSOE-UGT stronghold among the miners of Asturias.

Despite the emnities engendered during the civil war within the civil war which had crushed the left opposition to the Republican Popular Front in Barcelona in 1937, the remnants of the PSOE, PCE and CNT regrouped in a broad democratic front during World War II, with illusions that the U.S. and its allies would sweep away the Franco regime once the Axis powers had been defeated. Franco, however, eminently aware of the same possibility from the beginning of the war, pursued a fairly rigorous neutrality from 1940, much to the dismay of his former backer Hitler. Although officially an international pariah, (Spain's major ally until 1953 was Peron's Argentina) Franco pursued a deft foreign policy aimed above all at the deep anti-Communism of Great Britain. By 1944, this had paid off in contacts with Churchill; by 1951, despite Spain's exclusion from the Marshall Plan, the country was receiving military and financial aid from the U.S.. In 1955, with the Republican government-in-exile still awaiting its moment in Mexico City, Franquist Spain was admitted officIally to the free world and the U.N.

After the military victory, the regime had moved quickly to enlist the working class in state-controlled "vertical" trade unions grouped in the Confederación Nacional-Sindicalista (CNS), organized along the lines of the syndicates of Mussolini's Italy or the work fronts of Nazi Germany. The organization and control of the vertical unions was entrusted to the members of the FE-JONS (Falange Española-Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista) which was the actually fascist component of Franco's 1936 political alliance of the army, church, landowners and bourgeoisie. The Falange, which, like Italian fascism and German National Socialism, had made propagandistic overtures to the working class prior to 1936, had given Franco's regime its ideology and demagogy, but little else, and had actually been excluded from the inner circles of the regime in 1943. As a consolation, the Falange was allowed to "organize" the working class for the next three decades. The "verticalistas" collected union dues, enforced shop floor discIpline, and organized annual banquets for factory owners and workers to demonstrate that classes had disappeared in Franquist Spain.

The economic conditions in Spain were extremely harsh, not dissimilar in most respects to Chile under the junta after 1973. Working-class incomes were depressed to more than 40% below 1936 levels. Because Spain, like Portugal, did not participate in the international economic arrangements framed at the end ef World War II, the regime retained the basic economic controls and institutions of the autarchic fascist regimes of the 1930's right up to 1958, leaving Spain completely on the margins of the economic reconstruction of Europe in the 1945-1958 period. With the exception of the 1947 general strike in Vizcaya and the dramatic Barcelona tramway strike of 1951, the working class remained dispersed and atomized under the control of the employers, the Guardia Civil and the vertical unions.

In 1956-58, however, Spanish and world economic conjunctures arrived at a threshold in the postwar economic cycle. The autarchic economic policies which the regime had pursued since 1939 had brought Spain to the brink of bankruptcy and collapse in a world long since converted to Keynesianism. Spain's foreign reserves were almost depleted, the peseta absurdly overvalued, the balance of payments in deep deficit, foreign investment minimal, and serious inflation was eroding the small gains in productivity and output exacted from the working class. Strike activity in the Basque country and in Asturias raised the specter of a labor insurgency if the situation escaped the control of the regime, and Spain veered toward a massive policy change that inaugurated the economic liberalization of 1958.This change was, in a word, the completion of the transition to real domination of capital.

The liberalization policies were advocated most forcefully by a group of technocrats, bankers and industrialists associated with the Catholic order Opus Dei. Opus was fiercely resisted by the backward Falange economists whose autarchy policies had brought the economy to the brink of collapse, and also by the CNS verticalistas who understood that economic liberalization might quickly lead to collective bargaining on the Western European model. (Opus itself had no such intentions, but other factions of the Spanish bourgeoisie were moving toward such a perspective.) Nonetheless, in 1957, Franco undertook a major shakeup of his cabinet in which members of Opus Dei were given seven posts and a free hand in policy. In 1958 Madrid received in quick succession the visits of U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, Chase Manhattan president David Rockefeller, a team from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and top economic advisers from the newly-formed government of Charles De Gaulle. The economic ministries were remodeled on the lines of the French state technocracy In the course of that year, Spain devalued the peseta by 50%, opened the economy to foreign investment and tourism, got substantial public and private loans from abroad and began an extended boom which ended only with the oil crisis of 1973. A new phase of the class struggle had begun.

These moves amounted to the retooling of the Western European economies for a new phase of accumulation, one which would propel France, Italy and Spain into the era of the real domination of capital. In 1957-1958, the U.S. economy had experienced its steepest recession since World War II; the physical reconstruction of Europe had been completed, and the Continent was dismantling the last of the economic controls of the first phase of postwar reconstruction. From 1958 to 1969, capital flowed to Western Europe in unprecedented amounts, seeking investment outlets more profitable than those available in the U.S. The establishment of the Common Market alerted Spanish capital to the necessity of its eventual integration into Europe if it were not to be left out of the second phase of the postwar boom, an integration which would require a serious liberalization of the country. At the same time, northern Europe was beginning to experience a serious labor shortage and was looking to its southern periphery for a source of immigrant workers. Spain, with the ongoing depopulation of its impoverished countryside and the permanent underemployment in Andalucia, was a prime potential exporter of labor power. In the 1958-1962 period, Spain, Portugal, France, Italy and Belgium all undertook significant reorganization of their economies for the new period, and all of them were in turn rocked by the first important strikes since the immediate postwar stabilization.

The boom that began in Spain in 1961-1962, following the implementation of the liberalization plan (a boom paid for in part by a serious depression of wages in 1959-1960) and the large-scale emigration of workers to the north changed the balance of forces within the country in favor of the working class for the first time since 1939. In 1962, a wildcat strike broke out in an Asturian mining town, and hundreds of miners sacked the local police commisariat singing the Internationale . The modern Spanish working-class movement surfaced to national prominence. From 1956, workers in the major industrial centers (Asturias, the Basque Provinces, Madrid and Catalonia) had organized clandestinely in the so-called Comisiones Obreras (CC.OO) which began to function effectively as the real union on the shop floor level, pushed aside the hated verticalist bureaucrats. The workers' commission were heavily influenced by the Spanish Communist Party. Moreover, because of the severe repression, the Communist organizers were routinely obliged to resort to "direct action" tactics reminiscent of the pre-Civil War anarchists. In Barcelona, in particular, the cadre of the Catalan Communist Party were outflanked by anti-Stalinist, extreme-left opponents in the CC.OO by the mid-1960's. In the same period, moreover, the CC.OO ruled the shop floor in much of Spanish industry, reducing the official vertical unions to complete impotence in policing the work force, or infiltrating and neutralizing them from within.

By 1958, and increasingly through the early 1960s, a significant group of Spanish industrialists and factory managers had become convinced of the need to implement a modern, Western European-type system of collective bargaining , if discipline were to be restored on the shop floor. The Catalan bourgeoisie in particular, with its historical orientation to northern Europe, and with all its major factories controlled de facto by the CC.OO, came to this view quite early. A significant group of Catalan priests, involved in the legal Juventud Obrera Catolica (JOC) were of the same opinion. In secret meetings held in chapels provided by leftist priests, and in other unlikely locations, workers and student activists from extreme-left organizations such as the FOC (Front Obrer de Catalunya), the mid-1960's factional battles of the revived European workers' movement were fought out in Spain as well.

The movement, moreover, had reached a level of mobilization and power in the factories that required the employers and the state to tolerate it semi-officially. In 1966, hundreds of CC.OO militants presented themselves as candidates in the upcoming CNS elections, in a PCE-backed move to subvert the vertical unions from within (a similar strategy was tried with success in Salazarist Portugal). When a startled policeman happened upon a mass meeting of the CC.O0 in a Barcelona suburb in preparation for the elections, he was told by his superiors to let the meeting proceed. In October 1966, CC.OO candidates all over Spain won posts in the unions, and ballot-box stuffing had prevented more victories. During this same period, a major Catalan factory manager, Duran Farell, (later a candidate for chairman of the Spanish employers' association), held a press conference, denounced the vertical unions and stated that shop-floor discipline would be restored in Spain only with the official recognition of the CC.OO and other unions.

This far-sighted view on the part of a wing of the Spanish bourgeoisie-one which paid off a decade later in the Moncloa Accords-and the grudging acceptance which the struggles of the commissions won in the more industrial zones of the country, should in no way obscure the tremendous repression which befell working-class leaders and members of the left-wing political organizations operating clandestinely. The verticalistas, the police and state apparatus arrested, tortured and imprisoned thousands of such people. In 1963, a leading member of the PCE was arrested on a Madrid street, jailed, and died under interrogation. Mere possession of a mimeographed leaflet was punishable by lengthy prison terms.

Further, the revival of the Spanish working class and the general resumption of significant class struggle in industry cannot be seen in isolation from a whole social and political dynamic. Between 1940 and 1970, Spain underwent one of the fastest processes of urbanization in the history of capitalism. The working class, newly arrived from the rural south and lodged in hastily constructed, expensive and substandard high-rise towers in the industrial suburbs, waged extensive "luchas de barrio" (struggles in the residential zones and neighborhoods) where month-long showdowns with the police were often fought for the installation of electricity, a traffic light or a bus line. The Spanish student movement similarly went into action, and in Madrid and Barcelona worked closely with the CC.OO. In the Basque provinces, the revival of political activity brought about a renewal of Basque separatism which was extremely influential in the working class. In 1969, Spain was placed under a state of emergency as a wave of repression swept the country, with hundreds of leftists and working-class militants arrested, jailed, conscripted into the army and forced into exile. This repression momentarily stopped the rising ferment-a national moment of the 1968-1969 worldwide upsurge-but in November 1970, Spain was on a virtual war footing as a military tribunal in Burgos sat in judgement on a group of Basque nationalist militants facing the death penalty. Their subsequent reduced sentences constituted in many ways the government's first retreat before the revived illegal opposition since the end of the civil war. In 1970, international capitalism was aware that, despite the absence of legal trade unions or even the right to strike, the Spanish working class was among the most combative in Europe. (A significant group of Spanish employers, as we indicated above, thought that this combativity was because of the absence of legal trade unions, and events since 1977 have not proved them wrong.) Spain's attractiveness for international investment began to fade, but the country continued to attract large foreign capital inflows right up to the outbreak of the inter-national economic crisis in 1973-1974.

With this general overview of the renewal of working-class activity on the shop floor and in the streets from the end of the Civil War to the rise of the worker' commissions in the 1956-1966 period, we can now turn to the complex process of the "post-Franco" transition, which in fact began years before Franco's death. The PCE in particular, which had by far the strongest working-class implantation, through this period was seeking a dialogue with the forces that it characterized as the "civilized right" in Spain, in anticipation of a broad "democratic front" to liquidate Francoism. This long, quixotic search for the mirage of a civilized right that cared to dialogue with the PCE was generally an extension of the Popular Front strategy first adopted by the Western European Communist Parties in 1934-35, and from which, with brief exceptions, they had deviated little since. The PCE followed this strategy from its underground and exile position just as faithfully as the PCF or the PCI did in more democratic circumstances. Until the 1958-1966 period, of course, they found precious few takers, something which made it more difficult to sell this strategy to the party's militants and periphery. In the 1960's, it became rather difficult to argue that it was necessary to unite with the "progressive wing of the bourgeoisie" to help them root out "pre-capitalist" elements in Spain's social structure-an argument with a familiar, and worn, ring-so the PCE adopted the slicker "state monopoly capitalism" variant of the same basic strategy (in this case, a people's "anti-monopoly" coalition including, naturally, enlightened capitalists) which was becoming fashionable in the PCF and elsewhere. But from 1966 onward, under the pressure of the shopfloor movement and the internal dissidents who bolted from the party over strategy and tactics, the PCE suffered in the CC.OO's. In Barcelona, where the extreme-left pressure on the PCE-linked Catalan Communist Party (or PSUC, Partido Socialista Unificado Catalan) was the strongest, the FOC and other groups, in the 1966-1969 period, made real inroads into the party's base. The Maoist breakaways and the split in the PCI between the future Eurocommunist Santiago Carrillo and hardliner Gen. Enrique Lister further undermined PCE-PSUC domination of the commissions. At one juncture in 1967 internal faction fights took 80% of the PSUC's organizers out of action in Catalonia, although many drifted back later. In January 1969 the FOC took a sharp left turn with the aim of establishing soviets in Catalonia; it dissolved within a year. The extreme-left challenge to the PCE generally subsided under the blows of the state of emergency and subsequent repression, but primarily because the real movement in the class also subsided. In 1970, the CC.OO, though still illegal and still underground, were, in the tow of the PCE and the PSUC, launched on the road of a "clandestine corporatist" orientation to "national reconciliation" with the enlightened wing of Spanish capitalism, a road that led straight to the Moncloa Pacts of 1977, however tortuous the interceding years of struggle while this was fought out.

The Spanish bourgeoisie was itself badly split in the late 1960's as all classes in society prepared for Franco's demise. The struggle was fought out in Franco' s cabinet between the so-called "bunker" of hard-line Falangists and the liberalizers of Opus Dei who advocated the policy of "transition without rupture" toward a constitutional monarchy. The forces of the bunker had the upper hand until December 1973, grouped around Admiral Carrero Blanco. With the assassination in that month of Carrero Blanco by the Basque separatist group ETA (Euskadi ta Askataguna), the Opus Dei faction took the offensive and set out to guide the liberalization. The PCE, for its part, was waging an extensive campaign for legal recognition, even to the point of accepting the monarchy.

The period following the 1969 state of emergency was one of relative ebb, but a revival of overt conflict was signaled in October 1971 by the pitched battle fought between workers and mounted police at the Barcelona SEAT plant. In 1972, general strikes rocked the Galician cities of Vigo and El Ferrol, where previously there had been little working-class activity of any kind. In 1973, a general strike followed in Pamplona, and in the next year in Baix Loibregat, a major working-class district of Barcelona. The post-1969 ebb was over. With the death of Carrero Blanco, the pressure of this mounting renewal of working-class activity tipped the government in the direction of liberalization. With the April 1974 military coup in Portugal, which opened the 1974-1975 transition crisis in that country, the Spanish bourgeoisie had a front-row seat at the dress rehearsal for its own liquidation of Francoism and an opportunity to learn from others' mistakes. The early 1975 takeover of the Portuguese trade union federation Intersindical by the Portuguese Communist Party alerted the Spanish bourgeoisie to the dangers of a consolidation of the verticalist CNS along similar lines, given the hegemony of the CC.OO; as a result, "trade union pluralism" became the battle cry. At the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Frankfurt, (the German SPD's "think tank" and conduit for CIA funding) the cadre of the PSOE and the UGT, with no effective base of militants in Spain (except in the UGT's worker base in Asturias), prepared its return with the creditable performance of Mario Soares as the model for outflanking Communist political and trade-union influence. (They in fact far outstripped their Portuguese counterparts.) While the Portuguese experience made it clear that a moderate Social Democracy with suitably radical rhetoric in the very early phase of liberalization could outpoll a Comnunist Party with the prestige of decades of underground struggle, it was, on the eve of Franco's death, by no means clear that the PSOE-UGT could beat the PCE-CC.OO on the terrain that counted more immediately (especially given that no elections were in sight): in the ability to turn working-class militancy on and off as political objectives required. Even the PCE's remarkable adhesion to the November 1975 "Euro-communist" declaration of the Rome-Paris-Madrid" axis-a manifesto in no small way motivated by a desire to take distance with respect to the uncomfortably tough talk emanating from PCP leader Alvaro Cunhal-did not convince anyone. The officials of the PSOE and the UGT, as mentioned earlier, were given a free hand to travel about Spain and establish themselves while still illegal, Franco died just as the Portuguese military was consolidating the defeat of the Portuguese working-class upsurge of 1974-75, and the Spanish bourgeoisie with a far larger and more experienced working class, was not at all sure of its capacity to prevent an explosion. It had only the PSOE and the PCE, which seemed prepared to make any concession in exchange for legality, to contain the working class, which seemed an unknown quantity of the first order.

From January to March 1976, the worst fears of all the forces of the "democratic convergence" seemed confirmed: the working class exploded. On few occasions has Tocqueville's maxim that the most dangerous moment for a repressive state is when it begins to reform itself been verified in such a compact interaction between working-class activity and developments in the political sphere. It may be true that January-March 1976 in Spain did not reach the breadth of either the French May 1968 or the Italian hot autumn. Yet the differences with those movements were such that the tension generated about what might happen was arguably greater than in either of the other cases. In France and Italy, 1968-1969 marked the return of the working-class as a patently "non-integrated" force in society; in Spain, no one had ever had any illusions about that, and the working class, as detailed above, had shown its combativity from 1962 onward. In Spain, four decades of a military and police encampment of the working class were ending, not at the height of the postwar boom , as in France and Italy, but in the trough of the worst recession since 1945, with the scare of the surge to prominence of the PCP in Portugal barely off the front page. There were few people on either side of the class line in Spain in early 1976 who did not expect a major showdown, and almost no one foresaw the ease with which, in 1977-1979, the transition to constitutional monarchy was carried out.

In January 1976 the Madrid metro workers went out on strike, and had to be militarized. In March, in Vitoria and Sabadell, general strikes followed, and similar "ciudad muerta" tactics closed down cities and towns throughout the Basque provinces, usually linked to nationalist demands. In Vitoria, the "asembleista" character of the movement-which ended only with a massacre in which four people were machine-gunned-asserted itself to some extent independently of the political parties and trade unions; in Sabadell, those organizations tended simply to follow the movement.

The strikes of January-March 1976 signalled the final defeat for the Fascist "bunker" faction of the government, which in the person of Prime Minister Arias Navarro was attempting to carry out the transition. Arias fell in July 1976, and was replaced by ex-Franquist Christian Democrat Adolpho Suarez. Suarez, in contrast to Arias, understood clearly that the PCE had to be legalized witheut unnecessary delay, and in the following month, the government and the PCE played a cat-and-mouse game leading to the party's legalization in time to participate in the June 1977 parliamentary elections. The PCE had accepted the monarchy; it had accepted the Franquist flag; it had accepted Franco's protege Juan Carlos after initially backing his more liberal father Don Juan. Of course, it was happy to accept legalization while the various extreme-left Trotskyist, Maoist and anarchist groups, as well as their small but not negligeable trade-union organizations, remained illegal. But the PCE was committed to the "ruptura democratica" which it counterposed to the Christian Democracy's "transición sin ruptura", whereas the extreme left was mobilizing for "ruptura" pure and simple. It was the PCE which could deliver the working class for such a transition, and deliver them it did, playing alternately on its ability to call strikes and its even more useful ability to end or obstruct them to muscle its way into the political arena. The PCE's mere 8% of the vote in the 1977 national elections, against the PSOE's 26%, was no more indicative of its overall power in the working class than the Portuguese CP's 1975 electoral losses to the PSP. Without the cooperation of the PCE, PSUC and CC.OO up to the signing of the Moncoa Pacts-Spain's "social contract"-in October 1977, the post-Franco transition would have been far more problematic.

The extreme left, meanwhile, prepared for the explosion which never came. The electoral platform anticipated for the 1977 elections never materialized; as of October 1977, when the PCE, the PSOE and their unions lost any interest in using strikes for political ends, strike activity in Spain fell off to almost nothing. There were many reasons for this, and political maneuvers were only one. In 1974, with the onset of the world recession, Spain's export of labor power through emigration turned sharply negative, putting pressure on a labor market in which unemployment was already at 8%. As in Portugal, the high levels of working-class combativity, which in 1974-1977 seemed to promise something well beyond the actual results, were in fact subordinate to certain political tasks of the transition, a transition in turn necessitated by the outbreak of the world economic crisis. If capitalism in Spain could no longer, as in 1958-1973, offer the working class more or less steadily rising incomes and high levels of employment, it could offer them political democracy and trade unions instead. And, to the surprise of many, within Spain and abroad, who for years had expected that Spain's political structure would be too weak to contain a particularly militant workers' movement, that was enough. The PCE, the PSOE and the unions played their roles in tilting the scales toward moderation and appeasement, even where a willingness to concessions was forthcoming; but in the last analysis, it must be stated quite clearly that they were successful in this because the working class did not want the revolutionary rupture which the radical left advocated. Even the most militant expressions, such as the Vitoria strike, showed that while the workers were ready, in concrete situations, to outrun the political parties and the trade unions, establish proto-soviet "asembleas" organized on the strictest democratic lines, they were not ready to go any further, and in the last instance, in their great majority, allowed themselves to be enlisted, if only passively, by the PCE-CC.OO and the PSOE-UGT.

When, in October 1977, representatives of the CC.OO and the UGT met with the Spanish employers to sign the Moncloa Pacts, the era of labor relations which started in 1939 came to an end. In exchange for a tentative normalization of labor relations, (though not yet fully translated into labor law), the two major unions of the Spanish working class agreed to the usual types of wage restraint and austerity measures that were becoming the norm for these European-type "social contracts". The Moncloa Pacts seemed on the whole to acquire their real content only in the restraint of the unions, as unemployment rose, between 1977 and 1982, from 8 to 16%, strikes virtually disappeared outside the special case of the Basque provinces (where they reflected the mobilization for national autonomy) and real wages levelled off or fell. In 1981, the employers themselves walked away from the substance of the Moncloa agreements, finding even their minimal concessions of 1977 too expensive.

VII. Conclusion: Toward a Non-Statist Working-Class Realignment?

When one looks back to the crucial transition years 1975-1977 in Spain, it is difficult not to feel surprise at the relatively painless transition to an approximation of bourgeois democracy that was achieved in those years and after. In putting matters in this light, we hardly mean to underemphasize the fragility of the status quo in that country. Despite the fact that the PSOE and the PCE control, since the April 1979 municipal elections, a majority of Spanish cities, and despite the absolute majority of seats in the Cortes won by the PSOE in October 1982, the state bureaucracy, army and police in Spain remain substantially in the hands of Francoist appointees and civil servants. The tradeoff for a smooth transition to legality for the PSOE and the PCE was paid for in part by a promise not to touch these sinecures. This analysis, furthermore, has said nothing about the Basque question, which remained a problem of the highest priority for the Gonzalez government, which must seek to defuse the support for the underground ETA-militar and its political arm, Herri Batasuna, at the same time that it appeases the Spanish army. The latter institution, it is well known, was involved in a serious coup attempt in February 1981, provoked in no small way by the government's paralysis in dealing with Basque nationalist and separatist demands, at a time when ETA was assassinating military and police personnel almost weekly. But the Basque question, as was emphasized in a recent book on this subject, is almost no longer a "Spanish" question, at least in the sense that the social ferment in the Basque provinces and in the Basque working class had almost no reverberations in the broader Spanish population, except in growing revulsion at what is perceived as a needless provocation of the army in a delicate situation. The solidarity of the broader Spanish left with the Basque nationalist cause, which was axiomatic in the period up to 1975, has virtually disappeared, but this also reflects the disappearance of the militant extreme left in the general enthusiasm for democracy and for Juan Carlos.

What was striking, in the post-1977 period in Spain, and in Western Europe generally, was the gap between the depth of the economic crisis and the successive coming to power, in Spain, France and Greece, of "left" governments of' Social Democrats, in an atmosphere of calm and "business as usual". It suffices to recall, for historical perspective, the election of the Popular Front governments in Spain and France in 1936. In both cases, the victory of the Socialist-Communist blocs, with the support of the left Radicals in France (critical to giving the Popular Front its appropriate appearance of moderation) touched off social orises. In France, the working class immediately seized the factories and only the full mobilization of particularly the cadres of the PCF gained acceptance, among the workers, of the Matignon agreements. In Spain, the Popular Front victory of the spring of 1936 led, after months of unrest, polarization and street battles between extreme left and extreme right groups, to Franco's military coup and the social revolution that was the working-class response, followed by three years of civil war.

Looking at the situation of the early 1980's, the contrast with 1936, of the orderly assumption of power by the French and Spanish Socialist Parties, could not be more total. Whereas, on the eve of both the French and Spanish elections, there remained a serious question of Communist participation in the governments (the PSOE and the PCE had in fact constituted a coalition government in Galicia), the electoral demise of both these parties made any such coalition unnecessary. The decline of the PCE, which had received 8% of the vote in 1977 and 10% in 1979, to a mere 3.5%, was merely the culmination of years of internal rancor and splits to the left and to the right. At the other end of the political spectrum, the far-right party of Blas Pinar, the unreconstructed party of Franooism, received barely 1% of the vote.

The Spanish economy, in the early 1980's as in 1936, was in a shambles. Unemployment, as mentioned earlier, was officially at 16%, and in reality probably closer to 20%. Only the return of large numbers of Andalucian workers to tile south, where they still return to to families earning subsistence livings in agriculture, had prevented hunger riots, and there have been documented cases of starvation in Andalucia. The peseta as previously indicated, fell to 130 to the dollar, a devaluation of 115% since Franco's death.

What characterizes the situation in Spain is the virtual vacuum of ideas in any current of the official left, for overcoming the economic crisis. This vacuum is hardly limited to Spain. The acceptance of the inalterability of the world crisis, even within the context of "new industrial policies", as proposed in France, aimed at improving a country's competitive position, is universal. It is quite true that no single country can opt out of the world economy without incurring the even greater austerity which would be imposed by autarchy. Thus, ten years into the crisis, the official left in Western Europe tended to prefer, along with other major political forces, drift and managed crisis to any specific national course.

Meanwhile, the extreme-left of the 1968-1973 and 1973-1977 periods, which in Spain as in all other countries became a problem to contend with for mainstream Social Democratic and Communist Parties, all but disappeared, and with it the panacea of soviet or council democracy that seemed, in conditions of full employment amd relative prosperity, the obvious answer to the top-heavy bureaucracies of the working-class parties and trade unions. The counterposition of "bureaucracy-democracy" ceased to be telling in conditions of mass unemployment, when most workers were happy to be have a job, even in "bureaucratic" circumstances.

It is obviously not the task of this text to outline either the causes or the solution to the world economic crisis, but it is obvious that both diagnosis and cure must be global from the beginning. Above and beyond the differences in social structure, and therefore political alignments, between the Spain, France and Western Europe of today and of 65 years earlier, the most casual assessment of the current world economic situation must take note of the vast increase of the significance of the Third World since the 1929-1938 depression. Precisely because most of Africa and Asia still remained, in that period, colonies of Britain and France, Europe as a whole remained the center of world history, even if the main thing that was being fought out, in retrospect, was the terms of its demise. Thus the Spanish Civil War could become, in short order, a dress rehearsal for World War II, much as most wars in the Third World after 1945 became, and usually began, as proxy wars between the major blocs. The "economic miracle" of Spain between 1958 and 1973 was bounded precisely by the period of large U.S. capital flows to Western Europe, which ended not merely because of the oil crisis of 1973 but also because of the shift of international investment priorities to different parts of the Third World. If Spanish industry in the early 1980's was on the whole too new, and too much in foreign hands, to be susceptible to "de-industrialization" by an export of Spanish capital as such, the foreign investment boom in Spain ended long before, and the older industries such as Basque steel and shipbuilding, which most closely resemble northern European industry in age and competitiveness, succumbed to almost complete crisis. Spain under the PSOE could opt for some "high technology" restructuring, but such a strategy, because of the poverty of Spanish technical resources, could only be a poor relative of its international counterpart.

To conclude. In a period of total economic crisis, the international left of the advanced industrial countries, and thus necessarily of Spain, lived through the collapse of the older, "hard" bureaucracies whose most significant representatives in post-1945 Europe were the French, Italian and Spanish Communist Parties, repeating a process that had occurred somewhat earlier, and over a somewhat longer period, in the transformation of the northern European Social Democracies. This dissolution was heralded by many, on both sides of the class line,as a "crisis of Marxism". While we can only find it strange to speak of a "crisis of Marxism" where the world economic conjuncture is concerned, it does seem, as stated in Section I, that the "crisis of Marxism" indeed seems to capture a mood of aimlessness and drift by the international working class in face of the crisis. Decades of bureaucracy and statism have completely obscured the "emancipatory" idea of what a supercession of capitalism is or could be. The fortunes of the extreme left of the 1968-1977 period, largely Trotskyist and Maoist, rose and fell with the fortunes of the large working-class parties and particularly Communist parties: the crisis of the CPs, on which they seemed to thrive, in the long run turned out to be their crisis as well. And that for the simple reason that, on a continuum with the Social Democratic and Commiunist conceptions of organization and of socialism formed in the 1890-1920 period , however much they may have wished to distance themselves from "actually existing socialism", the latter, in or out of power, could not help but tar them as well. Whether Social Democratic, Stalinist, Maoist or Trotskyist, the acceptance of the "Social Democratic logic" developed by the successive Internationals after 1890 left them ultimately in the same camp.

The socialist movement, internationally, developed in three world-historical waves of revolution: the 1789-1815 period of the French Revolution, which saw in Babeuf and the Conspiracy of Equals the first, crude vision of "communism", and which issued, for the period up to 1840, in the various utopian socialisms; the 1848-1850 period, which saw the first real class war in Europe in the Parisian June Days of 1848, and the emergence of Marxism; and finally, the 1890-1920 period of the classical workers' movement of mass parties and trade unions, and revolutions or near-revolutions. This cycle culminated in the 1905 and 1917-1920 insurrectionary periods in the German-Polish-Russian corridor and in the Russian Revolution properly speaking, a cycle which set down for half a century the terms of international socialist factions and debate. Only in the social crises of 1968-1973 did this latter historical manifold begin to unravel, expressed first of all in the European-wide discussion of "Leninism" in that period and subsequently

It was argued in Section III that, in Spain and in Russia, a tradition existed in the working-class movements that survived into the 1890-1920 period, and in the case of Spain, beyond it, which ultimately derived from revolutionary or communal traditions of revolt traceable to the dawn of capitalism, if not earlier. It was this affinity between the two countries' history that made the Spanish working class so receptive to "Russian" influences, from the 1868 adhesion to the Bakuninist wing of the First International, continuing through the 1919-1920 "Bolshevik exaltation" to the 1936-1939 emergence of the PCE as the party of the Spanish working class, to the 1939-1975 underground phase of the struggle against Franco. Thus it seems plausible that the decline of the "Russian" phase of Spanish working-class history, expressed in the precipitous decline of the PCE since 1975, in the context of the crisis of the Western European Communist Parties, heralds a new phase in the history of the working-class movement, and not merely the Spanish. The rise of the Social Democratic productivist discourse in the 1890-1914 period, which in Russia took the form of Lenin's polemic against the Populists, involved a "suppression" of a whole side of Marx's earlier perspectives for that country, centered on the potentials of the agrarian peasant commune. In the same way that the dissolution of Francoism reposed the "buried questions" of Spain's history, and specifically of the glorification of 16th century Habsburg absolutism, opening up the past of the high medieval, largely Judeo-Islamic culture suppressed by the Habsburgs and by the Inquisition, the dissolution of Social Democratic statism and its progeny opens up for us the suppressed past of Marxism itself.

What characterized the three worldwide upsurges of the formation of the modern revolutionary tradition, the 1789-1840 pre-history, 1848-1850 and 1917-1921 is a certain relationship between what it has become fashionable to call the "center" and the "periphery". Marx, in analyzing the role of the German workers in the 1848-1849 revolution, briefly posited the possibility of a "revolution in permanence" in which the working class would fill the role of Germany's weak and vacillating bourgeoisie to push through the bourgeois revolution and go beyond it. Luxemburg and Trotsky revived this idea in the 1905-1917 period to analyze the Russian Revolution and its potential, against all the received, linear-evolutionary ideas of the Second International. But, if our discussion in Section III and subsequently is correct, even they remained within the framework of the Second and Third International "suppression" (unconsciousneas would be a better word) of Marx's views on the Russian commune. Similarly, in Spain, the steady ascendancy of the statist (Social Democratic and then Communist) political parties of the working class, at the expense of the anarchists- an ascendancy which the total incoherence of the anarchists themselves only abetted-involved a similar loss of connection with that tradition. But the Spanish case was rather more local, insofar as it was the "Russian model", and not the "Spanish model", that was generalized to the world for two generations as "socialism".

Spain today is, like every other advanced capitalist country, locked into a new international division of labor which, more than monetary crises, the problem of the dollar, OPEC or Third World indebtedness seems to be the intractable basis of the world economic crisis. That crisis cannot be overcome until international investment, wages and prices are readjusted to take account of a vastly more developed and far-flung international economy than the current international institutions were designed to manage, and particularly where the gap between wage levels of OECD and Third World workers are concerned, that problem seems insuperable, under capitalism, within an open world market, and hardly to be remedied by a retreat, on the part of the CECD countries individually or collectively, into protectionist autarchy. Once again, the structural ramifications, in terms of a theory of the economic crisis, of this problem cannot be dealt with here. This is only a backdrop for a conclusion that situates the 1980's social and economic situation in Spain, and in the other countries then under the sway of the "Euro-socialist Renaissance" in the proper world context, and show the highly circumscribed options they faced.

If the preceding analysis is correct, however, the striking gap between the depths of the crisis and the paralysis of the official international left in confronting it, heralded as the "crisis of Marxism", is only the crisis of the last-"Russian"-manifold of the socialist movement, which gave both Social Democracy and Communism their stamp for subsequent decades. The triple dissolution of the Western European CPs, of the Soviet model of economic development, and of its mercantilist emulators in the Third World-the Nkrumahs, Sukarnos, Nehrus and Nassers-in a general revulsion against state bureaucracy is the historical context which today makes it possible to see the anti-statist pole of the early labor movement in a new way, and first of all in countries like Spain or Russia, where actual 20th century revolutions occurred. It is also the same context that makes it possible for us to "read" Marx, or the lesser known and unknown parts of Marx's work, where he dealt precisely with these problems as they could be studied a 125 years ago. Finally, in a broader framework, this crisis of statism makes possible a broader revaluation of the role of Spain in early capitalist history, as part of a general recovery of the repressed Renaissance traditions upon which it was built.

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