1. Dix ans au pays du mensonge déconcertant, éditions Champ libre, Paris, 1977. The title Au Pays du grand mensonge was that of the publishing house 10/18, brought out the same year. Le Monde on the 14 October 1977 (p.. 16) stated that the new 10/18 edition had been stopped at the request of Ciliga. There was an English translation: The Russian Enigma, London, Routledge, 1940. In Italian: Dieci anni dietro il sipario di ferro. 1 - Al paese della menzogna e dell'enigma. 2 - Siberia, Casini, Rome, 1951. There exists a Castillian Spanish edition, Buenos Aires, 1951; ... and one in Japanese, Tokyo, 1953.(return to text)

2. Ciliga, Sam kroz Evropu u ratu ("Alone Through Europe at War"), Paris, 1954, p. 157. Complete edition, Sam kroz Evropu u ratu (1939-1945) , "Na pragu sutrašnjice" editions, 586 pages, Rome, 1978.(return to text)

3. This 21 page autobiography was dated 25 May 1983 and entitled simply "Ante Ciliga", without mentioning source or "publisher". It was provided for us by Arfé Marchadier, translator of Korsch into French. It relies a lot - sometimes entirely - on the interview done by Minima and Pier Paolo Poggio in the Italian magazine L'Umana Avventura in three parts in January and May 1979, then in January 1980. We would like to thank Arturo Peregalli from the Laboratorio storico for having sent us a photocopy.(return to text)

4. Ante Ciliga, cited above, p. 2.(return to text)

5. Idem, pp. 3-6, for the period from 1917 and Bolshevism. These points are not developed in the interview in Italian from 1979.(return to text)

6. For the history of the Yugoslav CP see Ivan Avakumović, History of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, 1964, The Aberdeen University Press; Paul Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 1968, Columbia University Press, London-New York; Milovan Bosić, Izvori za istoriju Komunističke partije Jugoslavije (1919-1941), "Izdavački centar komunist", Belgrade, 1984. This last book contains a valuable bibliography and cites reprints from the congress and publications of the CP in Yugoslavia, as well as the memoirs of the leaders of the party.(return to text)

7. "Autobiography" in French, op. cit., p. 8.(return to text)

8. There exists a reprint of Borba (1922-1923); Izdanje reprint, Belgrade-Zagreb, 1972, 1980. Ciliga himself reproduced certain of his articles from Borba on the national question (cf. note infra).(return to text)

9. It is worth noting that the Bosić book, as well as others in Yugoslavia dedicated to Croatian Communism, makes no mention of the name of Ciliga in the central organs of the CPY. This conspiracy of silence is, to say the least, strange and recalls - in the former Yugoslavia of Tito - the methods formerly used in the "Country of the Big Lie".(return to text)

10. Cf. J. Schärf, La Révolution d'Octobre et le mouvement ouvrier des pays balkaniques, pp. 206-213, in La Révolution d'Octobre et le mouvement ouvrier européen, EDI, Paris, 1967.(return to text)

11. This fraction was led by Grulović. Cf. Protokoll des ausserordentlichen Parteitages der KAPD vom 11 bis 14.9 1921 in Berlin, edited and presented by C. Klockner, Verlag für wissenschaftliche Publikationen, Darmstadt, 1986, pp. 16-17.(return to text)

12. Cf. I. Avakumović, op. cit., p. 65. Citation of the "Resolution on the Yugoslav question", in Quatre premiers congrès mondiaux de l'Internationale communiste, Maspéro reprint, 1969, pp. 209- 210. (Translator's Note - This is available in English as Theses, Resolutions and Manifestos of the First Four Congresses of the Third International, intro. Bertil Hessel, Ink Links (dist. Pluto), London 1980, pp.379-82).(return to text)

13. Cf. Histoire générale du socialisme, vol 3, PUF, Paris, 1977.(return to text)

14. Cf. P. Shoup, op. cit., p. 26.(return to text)

15. "Autobiography", op. cit., p. 9.(return to text)

16. This at least was affirmed by Ciliga. Faced with the "Right" of Marković, the "Left", represented by Djuro Cvijić, defended the idea of a federation of workers' and peasants' governments in each national region, once more combining revolutionary and national elements. As we can see, the two wings situated themselves on the nationalitarian terrain where there was no longer a question of class struggle.(return to text)

17. In 1923, Sima Radić published a brochure entitled Nacionalno pitanje u svetlosti marksizma ("The National Question in the Light of Marxism"). Ciliga, under the signature "Mbt", reprinted it in Borba no. 29, 37, 38, 44, 45, August to December 1923. You can find a reprint of extracts from the paper of Marković and from Ciliga's articles in his review Na pragu sutrašnjice, Rome, no. 2-3, August 1974, pp. 253-306, "Sima Marković, Ante Ciliga: polemika o nacionalnom pitanju, 1923 g.". It is interesting to note that while always talking of a "federation of workers' and peasants' governments" - slogan of the Komintern - Ciliga swore that the Serb-Croat quarrel was one between two separate nations and two capitalisms. But he denied that each of those nations could be imperialist in relation to the other.(return to text)

18. "Autobiography", op. cit., p. 10. This nomination occurred at the end of 1923. As for Sima Marković (pseudonym: Semić), he was attacked vigorously by Stalin on 30 March 1925 in the "Yugoslav Commission" of the Executive of the CI, although he based himself on the pamphlet by the very same Stalin of 1912 to justify his position. Cf. Kongresi i zemaljske konferencije KPJ 1919- 1937, vol. II Istorijskog arhiva KPJ, Belgrade, 1950, pp. 421-424.(return to text)

19. Ciliga, "Autobiography", op. cit., p. 11.(return to text)

20. Cf. G. Somai, Gramsci a Vienna, Argalia Editore Urbino, 1979. Gramsci, a member of the Vienna Bureau, noted in 1923 that Radić was a cunning politician, skilful, an expert at compromise but incapable of being a strategist (p. 77 and 114). On the other hand, in an article in Borba, no. 38, 18 Oct. 1923, Ciliga called for "a united workers' and peasants' front" with the HSS of Radić, whose party was accepted into the Krestintern in 1924.(return to text)

21. For this period, cf. article by Ciliga, "Come Tito si impadroni del partito comunista yugoslavo", in Corrispondenza Socialista no. 7, July 1961, pp. 393-399. Reprinted, with an introduction by Paolo Casciola (pp. 1-8), in Quaderni del Centro Studi Pietro Tresso, in the series Studi e Ricerche, No. 12, February 1989. There also exists an important article by Ciliga on "the role and the fate of Croatian communists in the KPJ" ("Uloga i sudbina hrvatskih komunista u KPJ"), in Bilten HDSA, pp. 1-68, no. 67, 1972.(return to text)

22. Dix ans au pays du mensonge déconcertant, ed. "Champ Libre", 1977, pp. 22-23.(return to text)

23. "Iles d'Or" editions, Paris, who also publish some texts by Rossi (Angelo Tasca), V. Serge etc.(return to text)

24. Idem, p. 45.(return to text)

25. There existed in the USSR many specialised "communist universities". At the same time, one of the consequences of "Bolshevisation" had been the creation of "communist schools" in all countries.(return to text)

26. Idem, pp. 26-27. For Trotsky's speech, in the name of the Opposition, on 9 December 1926, see Correspondance internationale no. 6, 14 January 1927.(return to text)

27. Idem, p. 31.(return to text)

28. Idem, p. 42.(return to text)

29. Ciliga considered the sessions to be boring, and made up of pure chatter, "where everything is decided behind the scenes". The book by Milovan Bosić, already cited above, mentions (p. 328) as members of the official delegation: J. Zorga, G. Vuković, M. Brezović and A. Hlebec. Under the name of Ragić, the Yugoslav delegation made a speech thanking Bukharin for having liquidated the faction fights in the CPY, pronouncing itself for "a Leninist leadership and an iron discipline", and finally for a Balkan federation of "independent workers' and peasants' republics". No opposition was perceptible. Cf. Correspondance Internationale of 4 August 1928 (6th session of 23 July 1928).(return to text)

30. The course towards "armed insurrection" became above all the order of the day on the occasion of the X^th plenary session of July 1929.(return to text)

31. For a brief overview of the period, see Natacha Rajaković, "les ambiguités du yougoslavisme", in De Sarajevo à Sarajevo, pp. 21-49, Editions Complexe, Bruxelles, October 1992.(return to text)

32. Since the Spring of 1928, the leadership of the Komintern had been preoccupied with the "military question". In Germany, a manual of armed insurrection was put out under the name of Neuberg. Cf. French translation reprinted by Maspéro, Paris, 1970: A. Neuberg, L'Insurrection armée. In May 1929, the Politburo of the central committee of the CPY made "armed insurrection" the order of the day. In October 1929 they proclaimed that "it is necessary to pass from the defensive to the offensive... and prepare the masses and the party for the armed insurrection". Cf. Pregled istorije Saveza Komunista Jugoslavije, Belgrade, 1963, pp. 175-177.(return to text)

33. Cf. Avakumović, op. cit., pp. 94-95.(return to text)

34. A. Ciliga, Crise d'Etat dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, Denoël, Paris, 1974, p. 165. Avakumović, op. cit., p. 96, gives a figure of 30 dead, less than the number of Yugoslav communists executed by Stalin several years after.(return to text)

35. The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (unified) or IMRO(u) in English had been created from the ruins of the Macedonian terrorist movement IMRO in September 1925. The VMRO (its abbreviation in Macedonia-Bulgaria), led by the Macedonian "communists" was a purely nationalist creation. The "historic" IMRO formed the military basis of the Ustaša of Pavelić after 1929.(return to text)

36. Avakumović, op. cit., pp. 108-109.(return to text)

37. Ciliga, Dix ans au pays..., pp. 67-68.(return to text)

38. Idem, p. 69.(return to text)

39. Tito's wife was of Russian origin and was arrested in front of him in 1935. This arrest of an opponent almost cost Tito his life in 1938, for suspicion of "Trotskyism". Of course, Tito never spoke of the arrest of his wife and his complicit silence after it.(return to text)

40. Ciliga, op. cit., p. 105.(return to text)

41. Ibid., p. 115.(return to text)

42. Ibid., p. 87.(return to text)

43. Cf. passage on the relations with Trotsky in 1935-1936.(return to text)

44. Ciliga, idem, p. 110.(return to text)

45. Ibid., p. 179.(return to text)

46. Ciliga also mentions the prisons of Cheliabinsk, Iaroslavl´ and Suzdal. In the last of these was the chief "Decist" V. M. Smirnov who was executed in 1937. Otherwise, political prisoners were already in concentration camps at the beginning of the 1930s, without special status. Cf. "Lettre du camarade Ciliga" (9.12.1935), in A bas la répression contre-révolutionnaire en URSS (Paris, beginning of 1936 ?, Editions Quatrième Internationale, pp. 6-16).(return to text)

47. The analysis of the balance of political forces at Verkhne- Ural´sk is confirmed by the letter from two orthodox Trotskyists from this prison (T. D. Ardacheliia and G. Ia. Iakovin) to Trotsky, dated 11.11.1930. (in Cahiers Léon Trotsky no. 7/8, 1981, pp. 184-193). The "Theses of the three" mentioned by Ciliga for this tendency have been republished by Cahiers Léon Trotsky no. 6, under the title "La crise de la Révolution".(return to text)

48. Ciliga, op. cit., p. 288. Solntsev (1900-1936), Iakovin (1896-1938), Dingelstedt (1890-1938) all ended up being shot in the camps, Vorkuta in particular.(return to text)

49. The letter from Iakovin and Ardacheliia, cited above, doesn't mention the edition of Pravda v tiur´me from the Trotskyist "centre", but does mention the "right" orthodox edition of Recueils sur la situation actuelle. The two signatories of this letter affirm that the Voinstvuiushchii Bol´shevik was created in January 1930 by Saakian and Kvachadze. It "was taken in hand by the youth (Pushas, Perevertsev, Emelianov) and oriented itself towards 'Decism', from the second issue".(return to text)

50. Ciliga, op. cit., p. 222.(return to text)

51. For this thesis, see the book by Willy Huhn: Trotsky - der gescheiterte Stalin ("Trotsky - the failed Stalin"), Karin Kramer Verlag, Berlin, 1973. French translation and postface by Daniel Saint-James, with a text by Paul Mattick ("Stalinism and Bolshevism"), "Spartacus", Oct.-Nov. 1981, no. 113 - B.(return to text)

52. Ciliga, op. cit., p. 209.(return to text)

53. You can read in a text by Trotsky, published in October 1932, a defence of the USSR which would make the imprisoned militants scream, and the workers in the prison factories and camps scream even more: "We take the Workers' State as it is and we say: it is our State. Despite everything which remains backward, despite the food shortages, the queues, the mistakes, and even the crimes of the bureaucracy, the workers of the whole world must defend with tooth and nail in this Workers' State their future socialist country". And the former Bolshevik leader added: "Socialism as a system has demonstrated its right to historic victory not in the chapters of Capital, but by the practice of hydroelectric power stations and blast furnaces". This theory of capital accumulation, equated with socialism, already set out by Preobrazhensky in The New Economics, 1924, (OUP: Oxford, 1964) was defended many a time by Trotsky (for his article from 1932, see Ecrits 1928-1940, vol I, Marcel Rivière et Cie, Paris, 1955, p. 111).(return to text)

54. Ciliga, op. cit., pp. 258-259.(return to text)

55. Cf. Roberto Sinigaglia, Mjasnikov e la rivoluzione russa, Jaca Book, Milano, 1973.(return to text)

56. For the position of Miasnikov in 1923, see the "Manifesto of the workers' group of the Russian CP (Bolshevik)", published in German translation by the KAPD. French translation in Invariance, series II, no. 6, May 1975.(return to text)

57. Cf. Carl Steuermann (the pseudonym of Otto Rühle), La Crise mondiale ou vers le capitalisme d'Etat, NRF, Paris, 1932.(return to text)

58. Ciliga, op. cit., p. 285.(return to text)

59. Cf. Œuvres de L. Trotsky, vol 8, EDI, Paris, 1980, p. 34. By mistake, P. Broué systematically gives Ciliga's date of birth as 1896 instead of 1898.(return to text)

60. Ibid., pp. 34-36, letter of 2 January 1936.(return to text)

61. Ibid., p. 54, 7 January 1936. We should note that Ciliga was not the only one to leave the USSR in 1935. Arven Davtian, known as Tarov (1895-1943) had given his testimony. He spoke of "life" at Verkhne-Ural´sk, of hunger strikes, of "450" (?) Bolshevik- Leninists and mentioned the activities of three Czechs, in fact Ciliga and his friends. (in Bulletin d'information et de presse sur l'URSS no. 1, January 1936, "D'une lettre de Tarov sur son évasion", pp. 10-12; edited by the SI of the LCI (b-l).)(return to text)

62. Articles by Ciliga: Biulleten´ oppositsii, no. 47, January 1936, "Stalinskie repressii v SSSR", pp. 1-4; no. 48, February 1936, "v bor´be za vyezd iz SSSR", pp. 11-12; no. 49, April 1936, idem (continued), pp. 7-12. For the Ciliga articles in Sotsialisticheskii vestnik, in 1936 and 1937, see Tables de la revue russe 'Le Messager socialiste' 1921-1936, Paris, Institut d'Etudes Slaves, 1992.(return to text)

63. The Trotskyist historian P. Broué writes for example, without citing the positions of the KAPD, Korsch, Miasnikov etc., that "the conception according to which the USSR became 'State capitalism', which was that of Ciliga, was for a long time that of the Mensheviks" (in Œuvres, Trotsky, vol 8, p. 65).(return to text)

64. Letter from Trotsky of 22 June 1936, in Œuvres, vol 10, EDI, Paris, 1981, pp. 123-125. Trotsky demanded that the "Russian Opposition Bulletin" not publish any more texts by Ciliga, and this despite the qualified opinion of his son.(return to text)

65. This merited Ciliga his "Anglophile" reputation. A new English edition came out in the 1970s.(return to text)

66. Sotsialisticheskii Vestnik no. 7/8, 27 April 1937; no. 11, 12 June. In no. 7/8, Ciliga produces letters which he had sent to Biulleten´ oppozitsii bol´shevikov-lenintsev in August 1936 and April 1937. It stands out in them that he approved of the "ultra-left communists" and said so and was not a "Bolshevik- Leninist" but was "not organised". He wanted to work for "the creation of a single front of oppositional communists, socialists and anarchists against the Stalinist bureaucratic terror" (p. 24). This position of calling for a single front showed, on the contrary, that he was moving further and further away from the classic positions of Left Communism, one of whose characteristics was the rejection of all fronts.(return to text)

67. Nova Evropa was a journal appearing since the beginning of the '20s, where "intellectuals" expressed themselves as partisans of Yugoslav national unity. In 1938, Ciliga sent an article in which he affirmed that the war would not happen shortly. Cf. Ciliga, Sam kroz Evropu u ratu, Paris, 1954, p. 6.(return to text)

68. No. 278, 10.9.1938, "L'insurrection de Cronstadt et la destinée de la Révolution russe".(return to text)

69. A so-called "committee of Yugoslav journalists in exile", affirmed in a tract in French (Paris, 22 April 1952) that: "While Ciliga was in Soviet Russia he was excluded from the (Yugoslav) Party under the double accusation of having belonged to a Trotskyist group and of having worked for the Yugoslav secret police. Thrown in prison by the Soviets, he was got out by the Italian consul to Moscow in 1937. By what sort of haggling the Italian consul succeeded in freeing Ciliga is a secret still guarded by the Kremlin. Once free, Ciliga entered Yugoslavia where he lived under the protection of the police. Following this, he installed himself in Italy and shuttled back and forth between Rome and Paris as an agent of the OVRA (political police of Mussolini)." The key to this tract (BDIC, Nanterre, Q pièce 7230) can be found in the conclusion: "Ciliga slandered the Serbs and the orthodox religion". If this committee of "journalists" were good "Titoists", it shows that the "Titoism" glorified by Trotskyism after 1948 was worthy of Stalinism.(return to text)

70. "... I take full and complete responsibility for the repression of the Kronstadt revolt". Text by Trotsky, in Quatrième internationale, August 1938. Again in the book V. Serge et L. Trotsky. La lutte contre le stalinisme, texts presented by Michel Dreyfus, Maspéro, Paris, 1977, pp. 213-216.(return to text)

71. Reprint of the Ciliga text, Editions Allia, Paris, 1983; citation pp. 16-17.(return to text)

72. Ciliga, Sam kroz Evropu u ratu, 1954, pp. 13-20, on Miasnikov. The review of Maslov, January 1939, no. 1 - Cahiers d'Europe - Europäische Monatshefte - published a text by Ciliga, "les maîtres du Pays", pp. 29-33.(return to text)

73. Unpublished "Autobiography", p. 14.(return to text)

74. Ibid., p. 14.(return to text)

75. Sam kroz Evropu u ratu, Rome, 1978, part II, "u balkanskom vrtlogu: tri godina u NDH" ("in the Balkan whirlpool: three years in the NDH").(return to text)

76. For the framework of events, see: L. Hory and M. Broszat, Der Kroatische Ustacha-Staat (1941-1945), "Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte Nummer 8", Stuttgart, 1964. K. Meneghello-Dincić, L'Etat 'oustacha' de Croatie (1941- 1945), in Revue d'histoire de la II° Guerre mondiale no. 74, April 1966. F. Jelić-Butić, Ustaše i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska 1941-1945, Zagreb, 1977. For the role (far from glorious) of the Vatican and the Catholic Church, cf. H. Lauriere, Assassins au nom de Dieu, 1951, Paris, "La Vigie".(return to text)

77. Of the 1.7 million killed in the war, two thirds were the victims of other Yugoslavs. For Dalmatia, which had become Italian, O. Talpo, Dalmazia: una cronaca per la storia (1941), Rome, 1985. It emerged from German reports that the 40,000 rail workers of Croatia were pro-Communist, that the peasants (80% of the population) were hostile to the Ustaša regime, that the "muslims" of Bosnia - the "flower of the Croat nation" according to Pavelić - were won over to the "partisanism" of Tito.(return to text)

78. The same tract already cited above affirmed that Ciliga "followed Pavelić on his triumphant march" towards Croatia. One more lie. What is true is that someone of the same name was a member of the Pavelić team. Cf. the "memoirs" of an old top functionary of the Ustaša State: V. Vrancić, Branili smo Državu ("We defended the state" (sic)), index vol II; Knjižnica Hrvatske Revije, Barcelona - Munich, 1985. Another homonym, that of Ante Pavelić: a member of the Serbo-Croatian Coalition of 1919, which constituted the provisional government of the provinces of the Southern Slavs, must not be confused with the leader of the Ustaša movement.(return to text)

79. "Autobiography", p. 15.(return to text)

80. This version can be found in the interview with Ciliga, in L'Umana Avventura no. 9, January 1980, p. 38.(return to text)

81. Cf. R. Trivuncić, Jasenovac i jasenovački logori ("Jasenovac and the camps of Jasenovac"), Jasenovac, 1974.(return to text)

82. The tract already cited affirms that it was the Gestapo who demanded the arrest of Ciliga as an agent of the OVRA, and that the Archbishop of Zagreb, Stepinac, got him out of prison (while Ciliga was in an extermination camp). Amongst other things, Ciliga was denounced by the mysterious "committee of Yugoslav journalists" as being "the leader-writer of the Ustaša journals Spremnost (an imitation of the journal 'Das Reich' of Goebbels) and Hrvatski Narod"; that starting in February 1943 "he never ceased to glorify the participation of the 'Independent State of Croatia' in the war effort against the Allies and the Yugoslav guerillas". The consultation of these reviews and journals in the archives in Zagreb should allow these accusations to be demolished. This much is sure, all Ciliga's political ambiguity during the war gave flesh to such allegations. As for the Archbishop Stepinac - who became a cardinal in 1956, although Tito had imprisoned him in 1946 for 16 years - he had an equivocal attitude during the Ustaša period, but gave individual support to persecuted Serbs, Jews and Croats, which is different from Archbishop Sarić of Sarajevo who was openly Ustaša.(return to text)

83. Ciliga, Deset godina u Sovjetskoj Rusiji ("Ten years in Soviet Russia"), Zagreb, 1943; collection of articles reprinted in the review Spremnost.(return to text)

84. Citation extracted from the Jelić-Butić book, op. cit., p. 273.(return to text)

85. Hrvatski Narod was a large-circulation daily which came out twice a day. Like all the other papers it was controlled by the new Ustaša authorities.(return to text)

86. Ciliga, štorice iz proštine - on his travels in 1941- 1942 across Dalmatia, Bosnia and Croatia - "Matica Hrvatska" editions, Zagreb, 1944.(return to text)

87. Ciliga, Sam kroz Evropu u ratu, 1978, Rome, 3rd part: "u Beču, Berlinu i Bavarskoj".(return to text)

88. Cf. Ciliga, Crise d'Etat dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, p. 145. Ciliga refused to leave for this congress. He recounts that after September 1944, during the purification of the Ustaša state, he was sought out by the Gestapo in Zagreb. As for the tract mentioned, it stated that "Ciliga was named as cultural attaché from the 'Independent State of Croatia' to Berlin where he remained until the defeat of Hitler". No proof or testimony allows any reality to be given to this accusation.(return to text)

89. Ciliga, Crise d'Etat dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, pp. 144-145. Cf. "Autobiography" pp. 16 also.(return to text)

90. Ciliga, Lénine et la Révolution, Cahiers mensuels Spartacus, Paris, January 1948. Without doubt written in 1938.(return to text)

91. Editions les Iles d'Or, 1952, and not 1950 as indicated in the "Autobiography".(return to text)

92. Edizioni Jaca Book, Milan, 1983.(return to text)

93. "Autobiography", p. 17.(return to text)

94. Crise d'Etat dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, p. 146.(return to text)

95. Ciliga, Dokle će hrvatski narod stenjati pod srpskim jarmom?, subtitled: "Diskusija o suvremenim problemina hrvatske politike". Paris, Christmas 1952.(return to text)

96. Ciliga, "Les Slaves du Sud déchirés entre l'Est et l'Ouest", in Révolution prolétarienne, November 1950. It stated that "the crisis of Serb hegemony is the central kernel of the situation in Yugoslavia today" (underlined by Ciliga himself).(return to text)

97. Maček (1879-1964) left memoirs in the English language (1957): Struggle for Freedom, New York, 1957.(return to text)

98. Ciliga, Dokle će hrvatski narod stenjati pod srpskim jarmom?, already cited, p. 81. We should note that in this pamphlet there can be found more than dubious formulations about the Ustaša movement. He always emphasises that the politics of Pavelić had led to catastrophe, through an "unreal anti-Serb chauvinism" - but is it just a question of "chauvinism" when 600,000 Serbs are massacred? or of "enslavement to Italy and Germany"? He wrote: "Despite all this, Pavelić and the Ustaše accomplished a fundamentally positive role in the history of the Croatian people." (p. 40) Here, Ciliga was no longer able to deny his compromise with the Ustaše.(return to text)

99. Ciliga, "Nacionalizam i komunizam u hrvatsko-srpskom sporu" ("Nationalism and communism in the Serb-Croat dispute"), Hrvatska Revija, no. 4, pp. 365-396, March 1951. This article was the same as that which appeared in the Rome journal Libertà, serialised in March. The review was run by Antun Bonifacić and Vinko Nikolić, close to - if not in - the Ustaša movement.(return to text)

100. To find your way a little in the nebulous mass of Croatian emigrants which goes from extreme right Ustaša to pro-Moscow Croatian national-communism, cf. Stephen Clissold, Croat Separatism: Nationalism, Dissidence and Terrorism, no. 103, January 1979 of Conflict Studies, a British journal. For a description of the émigré Croatian press, on all continents, cf. Hrvatska Revija, "Jubilarni Zbornik 1951-1975", Munich- Barcelona, 1976, pp. 358-369. Ivan Jelić edited an HNO Bulletin in Munich. His brother, Branko Jelić - who edited Hrvatska Država - was, to the contrary, pro-Soviet, calling for Croatian independence in return for giving bases to the Soviet Union.(return to text)

101. Cf. Bilten HDSA no. 37-38, 1965, p. 10 (letter to Branko Jelić).(return to text)

102. Stephen Clissold, op. cit., p. 8. Also, Hrvatska Revija, op. cit., p. 368. Ciliga's various journals are also mentioned (p. 358).(return to text)

103. Cf. thesis of D. S. Stefanović, Les Origines de la crise Croate de 1971, EHSS, June 1979.(return to text)

104. Na pragu sutrašnjice, no. 5, December 1975, pp. 129- 144.(return to text)

105. Stephen Clissold, op. cit., p. 17. This went from the Ustaša HOP (Croatian Liberation Movement) to the young refugees from the so-called "Croatian Spring" of 1971, by way of the HSS (peasant party), the HRS (republican party) and the Socialist and Communist (Kominformist) parties. According to the author, the HNV condemned terrorist violence while giving moral and financial support to arrested Croatian terrorists.(return to text)

106. Ciliga, Crise d'Etat dans la Yougoslavie de Tito, Denoël, Paris, 1974, p. 344. (Italian version in 1972).(return to text)

107. This search for a "united front" of all the Croatian political parties from the Right to the Left, can be found in the activities of Ciliga in the HNV, where splits were growing between Ustaša, "republicans", "socialists". In no. 13 (Nov. 1979) of Na pragu sutrašnjice, pp. 157-158, Ciliga - faced with the "current crisis of the HNV" - calls for a pluralist politics with the "old nationalists", the "young nationalists", the members of the peasant party HSS and the "Croatian Communists with a democratic and national orientation".(return to text)

108. Ciliga, Izjava Petnaestovice. - Konac Titove Jugoslavije i zadaci Hrvatske Politike ("Declaration of the fifteen. - the end of Tito's Yugoslavia and the tasks of Croatian politics"), Lund (Sweden), 10 July 1983; pamphlet.(return to text)

109. The first numbers of Bilten HDSA, in 1963-64, showed a map of Europe on the cover, with Croatia (indicated in black) encompassing Croatia in the strict sense and Bosnia-Herzegovina, as between 1941 and 1945.(return to text)

110. "Autobiography", pp. 20-21. In the same sense of a call for world community, you can also read in his book on Tito's Yugoslavia, op. cit., p. 208: "Internationalism and universalism are the concretisation of human solidarity, the indispensable base for realising world unification and the future socialist society".(return to text)

111. Marcel Body (1894-1984) wrote a book based on his experience of Bolshevik Russia, before he returned to France and became an anarchist and pacifist: Un piano en bouleau de Carélie. - Mes années de Russie 1917-1927, Hachette, Paris, 1981.(return to text)